1. The second field campaign of the project Per Cornell, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg Susana Sjödin, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

1.1 Introduction........................................................................................................................ 1 1.2 Why centre?........................................................................................................................ 1 Per Cornell, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg References ................................................................................................................................ 4

2. Orígenes de la ocupación del espacio en el sitio STucTav 5 (El Pichao) Marta R A Tartusi, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán Victor A Núñez Regueiro, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán

2.1 Introducción ....................................................................................................................... 5 2.2 La periodización del noroeste argentino .............................................................................. 5 2.3 Problemas para la identificación de sitios Formativos y de Integración regional .................. 6 2.4 Ocupación del espacio en El Pichao .................................................................................... 8

2.4.1 El período Formativo en El Pichao ..................................................................... 8 2.4.2 El período de Integración regional en El Pichao ................................................. 9

2.5 El significado de la ocupación del espacio para el análisis de la problemática Aguada..................................................................................................................................... 9 Obras citadas .......................................................................................................................... 11

3. Unit 1 as a household and the 1990 excavations in structure 3 Per Cornell, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

3.1 Unit 1 ............................................................................................................................... 13 3.2 What is a household? ........................................................................................................ 13

3.2.1 The household as a general concept .................................................................. 13 3.2.2 Household variation.......................................................................................... 15 3.2.3 The spatial frame of the household ................................................................... 16 3.2.4 Remains of “home work”.................................................................................. 17

3.3 Primeval use, changing patterns of use and abandonment ................................................. 18 3.3.1 Deposits of labour processes through time ........................................................ 18 3.3.2 Unit 1............................................................................................................... 19

3.4 Some concluding remarks................................................................................................. 24 References .............................................................................................................................. 24

4. Sector VIII Susana Sjödin, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

4.1 Description of a part of sector VIII.................................................................................... 27 4.1.1 The terraces 1 - 8.............................................................................................. 28 4.1.2 The slope above the terrace levels and the smaller terraces ............................... 30 4.1.3 The terrace complex as a whole ........................................................................ 30

4.2 Mapping the constructions and terraces of part of sector VIII............................................ 30

5. Excavación de la unidad 6 del sectór I del sitio STucTav 5 (El Pichao) Marta R A Tartusi, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán Victor A Núñez Regueiro, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán

5.1 Introducción ..................................................................................................................... 33

5.2 Descripción general del sector I ........................................................................................ 34 5.3 Unidad 6........................................................................................................................... 35

5.3.1 Excavación....................................................................................................... 35 5.3.2 Descripción de la estructura.............................................................................. 35 5.3.3 Descripción del entierro.................................................................................... 36 5.3.4 Petroglifos ........................................................................................................ 37 5.3.5 Análisis del material cerámico.......................................................................... 37

5.5 Interpretación de los hallazgos.......................................................................................... 38 5.5 Las estructuras ceremoniales en el noroeste argentino....................................................... 39 Obras citadas .......................................................................................................................... 41

6. The excavation of the gravematerial Nils Johansson, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

6.1 Trenches 5-10................................................................................................................... 43 6.2 Trenches 11-15................................................................................................................. 46 6.3 Specific studies of artefact categories within the tombs ..................................................... 49

6.3.1 Ceramics .......................................................................................................... 49 6.3.2 Bone material ................................................................................................... 50 6.3.3 Textiles ............................................................................................................ 51 6.3.4 Metal................................................................................................................ 51 6.3.5 Macrofossil....................................................................................................... 51

6.4 Discussion ........................................................................................................................ 52 6.4.1 Location ........................................................................................................... 52 6.4.2 Dating .............................................................................................................. 52 6.4.3 Construction..................................................................................................... 52 6.4.4 Collective tombs ............................................................................................... 53 6.4.5 Earlier grave field............................................................................................. 53 6.4.6 Not chronologically closed units ....................................................................... 53 6.4.7 A rich artefact material..................................................................................... 54 6.4.8 Specially produced pottery for a grave context .................................................. 54 6.4.9 The Spanish contact period............................................................................... 55 6.4.10 Graves encountered in other sectors. ............................................................... 56

References .............................................................................................................................. 57

7. Human skeletal remains from El Pichao 1990 - (Preliminary report) ................................................................................................ 58 Noemi Acreche, Museo de Ciencias Naturales, Universidad Nacional de Salta, Museo de Antropología de Salta. María Gloria Colaneri, Instituto de arqueología, Universidad nacional de Tucumán María Virginia Albeza, Museo de Ciencias Naturales de Salta

References .............................................................................................................................. 61

8. Textiles en tumbas. Resultados de trabajos de campo ................... 63 Martha Ortiz Malmierca, Department of archaeology, University of Stockholm

Obras citadas .......................................................................................................................... 68

9. Geographic description of sector IX Eduardo Ribotta, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán. Translated by Sven Ahlgren and Nils Johansson

9.1 Location ........................................................................................................................... 69 9.2 Geology and geomorphology............................................................................................. 70

9.2.1 Erosion............................................................................................................. 70 9.2.2 Soils ................................................................................................................. 71 9.2.3 Phytogeography and zoogeograophy ................................................................. 71

10. New approaches to the study of ceramics, El Pichao 1990 Susana Sjödin, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

10.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 73 10.1.1 Ceramic research............................................................................................ 74

10.2 Method ........................................................................................................................... 76 10.3 The sample of El Pichao1990.......................................................................................... 78 Table 10.1 Number of sherds analysed, El Pichao 1990............................................ 78

10.3.1 Groups in the material .................................................................................... 78 References .............................................................................................................................. 85

11. Report of thin section analysis of six ceramic fragments from El Pichao Ole Stilborg, Department of archaeology, University of Copenhagen

11.1 Thin section analysis....................................................................................................... 87 11.2 The material ................................................................................................................... 87 11.3 Results............................................................................................................................ 88

11.3.1 Clay................................................................................................................ 88 11.3.2 Temper........................................................................................................... 89 11.3.3 Ware groups ................................................................................................... 89

11.4 Conclusions .................................................................................................................... 90 Table 11.1 Results of thin section analysis ................................................................... 91

12. The pottery of El Pichao - the process of production and the labour processes Susana Sjödin, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

12.1 The context of the process of production ......................................................................... 93 12.2 Method ........................................................................................................................... 94 12.3 The manufacture of pottery - ethnoarchaelogical evidence............................................... 95 12.4 Conclusions concerning the process of production - archaeological evidence................... 96

12.4.1 Locally made pottery ...................................................................................... 96 12.4.2 Differentiated manufacture of ceramics........................................................... 97 12.4.3 Further differentiation of the manufacturing process of ceramics .................... 98 12.4.4 Changes of the manufacture of ceramics at the time of the Spanish intrusion.................................................................................................................. 100

12.5 Ethnoarchaeological approaches ................................................................................... 101 12.6 Summary ...................................................................................................................... 103 References ............................................................................................................................ 103

13. Approaches to room structure interpretation at El Pichao. Two perspectives applied comparing sectors III, IV, and VIII. Per Stenborg, Department of archaeology, Unversity of Gothenburg

13.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 105 13.2 Purpose........................................................................................................................ 105 13.3 Background .................................................................................................................. 106 13.4 Two main perspectives.................................................................................................. 107 13.5 A presentation of the field-data and of the methods of data-collection ........................... 108

13.5.1 The complex of structures in the northwestern part of sector III (complex A). ........................................................................................................... 108 13.5.2 The complex of structures in sector VIII (complex B). .................................. 108 13.5.3 Unit 12. ........................................................................................................ 109 13.5.4 Unit 1. .......................................................................................................... 109 13.5.5 The problem of comparability ....................................................................... 109

13.5.6 The problem of representativety.................................................................... 109 13.5.7 The question of contemporaneity .................................................................. 110

13.6 Approaching the El Pichao material in accordance with the two perspectives................ 110 13.6.1 The functionalistic/materialistic approach.................................................... 110 13.6.2 The social/symbolical approach ................................................................... 111

13.7 A description of the material, based on field-data......................................................... 112 13.7.1 The complex of structures in the northwestern part of sector III .................... 112 13.7.2 The complex of structures in sector VIII ...................................................... 115 13.7.3 Unit 12 ........................................................................................................ 117 13.7.4 Unit 1 .......................................................................................................... 118

13.8 Analyses of the field-data............................................................................................. 118 13.8.1 The functionalistic/materialistic perspective ................................................. 118

13.8.1.1 Complex A................................................................................... 118 13.8.1.2 Complex B .................................................................................. 119 13.8.1.3 Units 1 and 12............................................................................. 119 13.8.1.4 A functionalistic/materialistic comparison between complexes and units................................................................................... 120

13.8.2 The social, symbolical perspective ............................................................... 120 13.8.2.1 A comparison between the three groups of structures................... 120 13.8.2.2 A comparison between different parts of complex A.................... 121

13.9 Discussion and conclusions.......................................................................................... 122 13.9.1 Discussion ................................................................................................... 122 13.9.2 Conclusions according to the two approaches ............................................... 123

13.9.2.1 The functionalistic/materialistic approach .................................... 123 13.9.2.2 The social/symbolical approach................................................... 124 13.9.2.3 Comments................................................................................... 124

13.10 Summary ................................................................................................................... 125 References ............................................................................................................................ 125

14. The village of El Pichao today.....................................................127 Martha Ortiz de Malmierca, Department of archaeology, University of Stockholm

References ............................................................................................................................ 129

Figures

1.1 Map of The Calchaquí Valleys 1.2 Colalao del Valle and El Pichao with the sector limitations 2.1 Distribución de sitios Aguada 3.1 Units 1 and 2 , sector III 3.2 Structure 3, unit 1, sector III 4.1 Part of sector VIII, terrace levels 1-8, with constructions 4.2 Southeast-northwest profile of terrace levels 1-8, sector VIII 5.1 Unidad 6, sector I 5.2 Unidad 6, sector I, secciones verticales 5.3 Urna santamariana encontrada en unidad 6 6.1 Sector XI - Cemetery Amancay 6.2 Vertical section of trench 6, 6A, sector XI, Cemetery Amancay 6.3 Trenches 11-15, sector XI, Cemetery Amancay 6.4 Trench 12, sector XI, Cemetery Amancay 6.5 Trench 13, sector XI, Cemetery Amancay

El Pichao 1990

Second report from the project Emergence and growth of centres. A case study in the

Santa María Valley. Edited by

Per Cornell & Susana Sjödin preliminary version

Department of archaeology University of Gothenburg September 1991

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1. The second field campaign of the project Per Cornell, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg Susana Sjödin, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

1.1 Introduction

This is a preliminary version of the second report of the project Emergence and growth of centres in the valley of Santa María, NW Argentina. The project is run in collaboration between the universities of Gotenburgh and Stockholm, Sweden, and the National university of Tucumán, Argentina.

The project was intiated in 1989 by a pilot investigation at the site of El Pichao. The project was made possible by the support and close collaboration with the Institute of Archaeology, the National University of Tucumán, and its director, professor Victor Núñez Regueiro. The Swedish part of the project is in turn part of a large Argentinian project, Estudio de la incidencia de la dinámica de interacción entre las poblaciones que habitaron las ‘tierras altas’ y las ‘tierras bajas’ . San Miguel de Tucumán 1988. (Study of the events in the dynamic interaction between the populations that inhabited the “high lands” and the “low lands”).

The second field season comprised excavations in different types of structures, mappings and prospections, both of the site and its natural environments. The work was carried out in close collaboration between Swedish and Argentinian archaeologists, and we had also students from the Institute of Archaeology working with us. Several specialists of different disciplines visited us during field work and made their contributions, enriching the final results.

However, our work had not been made possible without the support and kindness we received from the people living at the present village of El Pichao.

Rapportens innehåll - både teoreti och praktik. De argentinska deltagarna och de svenska.

Vad som är en fortsättning av 1989 och vad som är nytt. C-uppstaser - Per S och Cecilia

1.2 Why centre?

Per Cornell, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

Why call El Pichao a centre? In the Introduction to the El Pichao 1990 report a general definition of centre was proposed, but no specific discussion on the El Pichao

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site was presented. I shall try to outline how I have reasoned in the specific case of El Pichao.

First, I must say that I do not find words in themselves too important. As the structuralists say, a signifier might be used to signify various things. the important point is the relation between the signifiers, the structural system of - in this case - the terminology.

However, some words attain a very special significance in cultural contexts or, as in this case, in a scientific discourse. The word centre is a difficult one, used in many different contexts, also within such a limited vocabulary as the archaeologists'. And it is not just a problem of various agents' use of the word. The individual archaeologists use the word centre in many different ways. At the same time, though, the word has become value-laden.

What concern us here, is the use of the word centre to signify some archaeological sites so as to show that they differ from other archaeological sites, especially contemporaneous sites in given regions.

I have outlined some of the debate in which the word centre has been used in my Lic treatise, and I refer the reader to this short study. Suffice it to say here that I wish to avoid all connotations to central-place concepts and the debate of centre-periphery. This is not to say that I find these concepts void of value. But I find it necessary to have a good general idea of individual archaeological sites before entering such discussions. And, in the NW Argentinian case, our knowledge of individual sites is still rather limited.

Of course, it might be argued that a general idea of greater contexts is necessary for the understanding of the individual units. And, generally speaking, this is true. To study individual sites we must know very much about the contexts in which they existed. But it is equally true that we must know the individual sites in order to understand the larger contexts. Thus, we end up in a vicious circle. To enter this circle we must choose a way in. Lack of economic resources and the limitations of the working capacities of individual archaeologists forces us to choose between a general survey and a more concentrated work on a specific site.

Earlier approaches to centres have often chosen to work with general surveys. I find that this approach has met several difficult obstacles. In the case of the Calchaquí river system and adjoining areas, we have some general data from field surveys, even if our knowledge is biased to some parts of the region, while others remain almost completely unknown.1 A present large project of the Institute of archaeology in Tucumán focuses on the prehistoric relations between peoples living in different natural environments in NW Argentina. In connection with this project the little known zones are studied, so somewhat the situation will improve. Within this larger project the project Emergence and growth of centres.... will focus on the Santa María Valley and especially the site of El Pichao.

I must take a lot of things for granted. This is unavoidable, and a natural ingredient in all scientific research. I must, above all, presuppose a certain degree of autonomity of the individual sites.

1Cf. for data on general surveys MYRIAM N TARRAGÓ & PIO PABLO DÍAZ, ‘Sitios arqueológicos del

Valle Calchaquí 1-3’. Estudios de arqueología (Cachi) 1: pp 49-61 (1972); 2: pp 61-71 (1977); 3: pp 93-104 (1983), RODOLFO A RAFFINO & LIDIA N BALDINI, ‘Sitios arqueológicos del Valle Calchaquí Medio’. Estudios de arqueología (Cachi) 3: pp 27-35 (1983). Specifically for the Santa María valley cfInvestigaciones Arqueológicas en el Valle de Santa María. Universidad Nacional del Litoral, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Instituto de Antropología, publicación no. 4. Rosario, Argentina 1960. Cf. also GUILLERMO MADRAZO & MARTA OTTONELLO DE GARCIA REINOSO, Tipos de instalación prehispanica en la region de la puna y su borde. Monografías, 1 (1966).

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Now, we may turn to the core of the problem. I have outlined a general definition of centre, and this definition focuses on three factors, namely size in relation to density, existence of permanent habitations of a high relative number for the period and region, and, finally the existence of institutional arrangements.

When discussing size/density the issue of delimitation is a difficult one. I have proposed a somewhat unorthodox approach in the El Pichao 1989 report. This delimitation, based on the common water source, has been used as a base for the discussion here.

It is relatively easy to show that El Pichao matches the two first prerequisites. It is a large site in terms of size/density in a Santa María valley perspective, but above all in a larger regional perspective. According to the surveys of Raffino and Baldini in the middle part of the Calchaquí river proper, the largest sites with extensive terracing reach 150 ha.2 El Pichao, in a low estimate, reaches 500 ha. Even if counted by number of habitations in relation to extension El Pichao seems to be a very large site, though at present I cannot present data on this issue.

So, if we depart only from the first two criteria, El Pichao may be judged a centre. But how about the third criterion?

I have consciously chosen the somewhat vague word institutional element. I wish to avoid all direct connotations to political systems. An institutional element is not necessarily a political element. An institutional element means, in socio-economic terms, some sort of co-operative effort that goes beyond a few days work. It also implies a work which cannot be done without co-operative efforts, and that requires much co-ordination skill. The technical level may be quite similar to the work carried out by smaller groups, but the size or character of the work gives it a new dimension.

Archaeologically, such institutional elements may be recognized as complex and, for the period and region, large, stable, fixed constructions.

At El Pichao we have found four such types of complex arrangements. One of these is terrace constructions including large boulders with, among other things, a cairn with an associated large stone with petroglyfs, found in sector I. This area has been interpreted as a ritual/religious arrangement. A second type of complex arrangement is the large wall going through large parts of the site, running approx. E-W. A third type is the large and complex system of terraces, probably connected to agriculture. These cover a very large area, and if they can be shown to have been constructed in large parts during a relatively short time span, and used contemporaneously, the scale of this system allows us to call it a result of some institutionalised element. Both the construction and the use, especially the irrigation, of this system must have involved dimensions far beyond those of technically similar but smaller systems found in some other parts of the Santa María Valley. It is probable that only Quilmes and Tolombón had larger areas of terraced fields. The fourth type of institutionalised element is the disposition of different types of habitations. If these habitations turn out contemporaneous, as is our impression today, the clear patterning, clustering of different types implies some sort of co-ordination.

My centre definition is not congruent with the traditional definitions. That is true. But this is intentional.

I changed the position of the signifier, and I hope to find a new pattern. My definition is broader than the traditional ones, and more closely linked to organizational features of work.

The reason for the emergence of large conglomerated sites in the Santa María Valley from about 1000 A.D. may be partly found in the possibilities for terracing in this area. 2Cf. RODOLFO A RAFFINO & LIDIA N BALDINI, ‘op cit.

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And the cone at El Pichao may have been especially suited for such a thing. But even if this might be a reason for the emergence of large conglomerated sites, it must have had deep consequences, also of social character. And these socio-economic consequences of dense conglomerated sites with complex arrangements of institutionalised character are the main topic in the project Emergence and growth of centres - a case study in the Santa María valley, NW Argentine.

In the Santa María valley prior to the colonial period no supra-political level is evidently recognized among the archaeological sites. The Punta de Balasto site may have been used as an Inca administrative centre, but it does not create the sort of sharp contrast found in for example Huanuco in present day Peru. The Huanuco Pampa Inca administrative site sharply contrasts against the earlier and contemporaneous sites in the region. This same contrast between local and “state” levels has been found in many parts of the world, for example at Sigirya in Sri Lanka, where local and “state” irrigation systems contrasts each other (but also relate to each other).

Why this apparent weakness of possible state systems in the Santa María valley? The answer may have to do with our criteria for state systems. Myriám Tarragó tries to reconstruct the Inca road network in parts of the valley and according to her it had impressive dimensions.3 Rodolfo Raffino has showed, using what exists of field survey data on the valley, that the sites show many similarities. Raffino tries to link this to the existence of a state or chiefdom level in the area.4

Raffino has also published, with some colleagues, data on three interesting sites SW to the Santa María Valley, in the province of Catamarca. These sites all share some architectonical traits, notably a sort of enclosed open place. The largest of these enclosed open spaces measures about 150 x 90 m. These sites are generally interpreted as Incaic.5 Recent studies on another similar site, Potrero Chaquiago, also located in Catamarca, showed that the overwhelming part of the ceramic material was of local manufacture.6 Thus, the character and meaning of these sites remains obscure.

The absence, as far as I know, of this type of sites in the Santa María valley shows the differences between subregions in NW Argentine. If this absence does imply a weak central authority or not is difficult to say. However, the weak character of the central administrative level in the Santa María valley, even during the Inca period, may be a fact. Ana María Lorandi has showed the difficulties the Spaniards had in trying to conquer the valley, and Lorandi explains this partly by the absence of a central authority. The situation may have been similar during the Inca period.

The persistence of the Santa María Valley sites during more than 100 years of Spanish presence in NW Argentine is an impressive fact. During this period the sites existed and were in some way related to Spanish cities east of the mountain range, but they were never included in any sort of hierarchical system of sites related to the Spanish cities.

There exist many good reasons to focus archaeological work on individual sites in the Santa María Valley. I hope that the present studies at El Pichao shall allow us to make some conclusions on the inner organization of this centre site.

3MYRIÁM N TARRAGÓ, personal communication 1990. 4RODOLFO A RAFFINO, X. Buenos Aires 1990. 5RODOLFO A RAFFINO, RICARDO S ALVIS, LIDIA N BALDINI, DANIEL E OLIVERA, MARIA

GABRIELLA RAVIÑA, ‘Hualfin - El Shincal - Watungasta, tres casos de urbanización Inka en el NO Argentino’. Cuadernos del Instituto Nacional de antropologia, 10 (1983-1985, pp. 425-458.

6ANA MARÍA LORANDI, MARIÁ BEATRIZ CREMONTE & VERÓNICA WILLIAMS, ‘Identificación etnica de los Mitmakuna instalados en el establemiento Incaico Potrero - Chaquiago’. Presentado al XI Congreso nacional de arqueologia Chilena, Santiago, 1989.

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References

Investigaciones Arqueológicas en el Valle de Santa María. Universidad Nacional del Litoral, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Instituto de Antropología, publicación no. 4. Rosario, Argentina 1960.

LORANDI, ANA MARÍA, MARIÁ BEATRIZ CREMONTE & VERÓNICA WILLIAMS, ‘Identificación etnica de los Mitmakuna instalados en el establemiento Incaico Potrero - Chaquiago’. Presentado al XI Congreso nacional de arqueología chilena, Santiago, 1989.

MADRAZO, GUILLERMO & MARTA OTTONELLO DE GARCIA REINOSO, Tipos de instalación prehispánica en la region de la puna y su borde. Monografías, 1 (1966).

RAFFINO, RODOLFO A, X. Buenos Aires 1990. RAFFINO, RODOLFO A & LIDIA N BALDINI, ‘Sitios arqueológicos del Valle Calchaquí Medio’.

Estudios de arqueología (Cachi) 3: pp 27-35 (1983). RAFFINO, RODOLFO A, RICARDO S ALVIS, LIDIA N BALDINI, DANIEL E OLIVERA, MARIA

GABRIELLA RAVIÑA, ‘Hualfin - El Shincal - Watungasta, tres casos de urbanización Inka en el NO Argentino’. Cuadernos del Instituto Nacional de antropologia, 10 (1983-1985, pp. 425-458.

TARRAGÓ, MYRIAM N & PIO PABLO DÍAZ, ‘Sitios arqueológicos del Valle Calchaquí 1-3’. Estudios de arqueología (Cachi) 1: pp 49-61 (1972); 2: pp 61-71 (1977); 3: pp 93-104 (1983).

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2. Orígenes de la ocupación del espacio en el sitio STucTav 5 (El Pichao)

Victor A Núñez Regueiro, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán Marta R A Tartusi, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán

2.1 Introducción

Los trabajos de prospección y excavación realizados en El Pichao durante las campañas de 1989 y 1990 han puesto en evidencia que la mayor parte de las estructuras observadas corresponden al lapso temporal que transcurre desde el período de Desarrollos Regionales (que comienza hacia el 1000 d C) hasta el momento de la caida de Quilmes (1665). Sin embargo se han hallado elementos que permiten afirmar que los comienzos de la ocupación del espacio en ese lugar arrancan desde el período Formativo, posiblemente entre el 200 al 450 d C.

En este trabajo efectuaremos una aproximación preliminar al significado de la presencia de esos elementos en el sitio, y a la problemática general que se deriva de las observaciones efectuadas hasta el momento.

2.2 La periodización del noroeste argentino

En trabajos anteriores uno de nosotros propuso una periodización del noroeste argentino7 sobre la cual se ha basado la terminología utilizada en el informe sobre los trabajos de excavación en El Pichao de 1989.8 En ese esquema, el período Formativo era dividido en inferior, medio y superior, el segunda de los cuales estaba caracterizado por la “cultura” Aguada.

Actualmente hemos introducido una modificación conceptual y terminológica, que emplearemos en este trabajo, porque expresa sintéticamente los principales cambios que se registran en el desarollo de la región Valliserrana.

Al término Formativo lo reservamos para el período que habiamos denominado Formativo inferior, y utilizamos el de Integración regional para los que antes llamábamos 7VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘Conceptos instrumentales y marco teórico en relación al análisis del

desarollo cultural del noroeste argentino’. Revista del instituto de antropología 5, Córdoba 1974, pp 169-170; VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘Considerations on the periodization of Northwest Argentina’. Advances in Andean archaeology (ed D L Browman). The Hague 1978, pp 451-484.

8SUSANA SJÖDIN, ‘The traditional periodization and ceramic classification’. El Pichao 1989. The first report from the project Emergence and growth of centres. A case study in the Santa María Valley in the Andes (prel version). (eds P Cornell & S Sjödin, Gothenburg University, Department of archaeology, unpubl, Göteborg 1990), pp 11-13.

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Formativo medio.9 Sintéticamante podemos decir que la razón de este cambio es que consideramos que Aguada es el resultado de la conjunción de dos sistemas provenientes del Formativo. “(...) uno de origen andino-altiplánico, basado en la domesticación de camélidos y el cultivo de la papa; otro, de origen en las tierras bajas y el piedemonte oriental, basado en la agricultura del maíz (...), y representa lo que podemos considerar como un momento de integración regional.”10 Esto último ya habia sido planteado por Lumbreras, quien al referirse al período que nos ocupa, dice: “Parece ser un período de integración regional (...).”11

2.3 Problemas para la identificación de sitios Formativos y de Integración regional

En muchos sitios arqueológicos, la existencia de una cultura se ha inducido básicamente sobre la presencia de cerámica y secundariamente, otros elementos, hallados en superficie o en excavaciones, sin que se registren construcciones habitacionales. Las excavaciones a las que hacemos referencia se han solido circunscribir a pruebas estratigráficas y a tumbas. Un buen ejemplo para el noroeste Argentino lo constituye la cultura Condorhuasi. “Condorhuasi sólo tiene contexto propio en tumbas, de ahí que no se pueda asociarlo a ningún tipo de patrón de instalación ni a una determinada economía”.12

Los sitios del Campo del Pucará (Dpto Andalgalá, Provincia de Catamarca) sólo son reconocibles por la existencia de una serie de montículos que forman un anillo, a veces a penas sobreelevado respecto al terreno circundante. En ocasiones los montículos, además de ser reconocibles por su forma, lo son por la existencia de algunas piedras que afloran en superficie, indicando la presencia de las columnas de piedra que integran las paredes de barro.13

En los sitios de Campo del Pucará, que han sido descriptos como de Alamito o Alumbrera por hallarse cerca de esas localidades, son características dos plataformas rectangulares, de paredes de piedra, que afloran sobre el terreno, facilitando su localización. Pero hay en esa zona, como excepción, en el sector correspondiente a los 1900 msnm, sitios que carecen de esta modalidad, por hallarse las plataformas

9La fundamentación de este cambio se halla expuesta en VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO Y MARTA R A

TARTUSI, ‘El área Pedemontana y su significación para el desarollo del noroeste argentino, en el contexto sudamericano’. Ponencia presentada en el 46o Congreso internacional de americanistas, Amsterdam 1988; y en VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO Y MARTA R A TARTUSI, ‘Aproximación al estudio del área pedemontana de sudamérica’. Cuadernos del instituto nacional de antropología, 12. Buenos Aires 1990.

10VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO Y MARTA R A TARTUSI, op cit, 1988. 11LUIS GUILLERMO LUMBRERAS, Arqueología de la America Andina. Lima 1981, p 99. 12MARTA M OTTONELLO Y ANA MARIA LORANDI, Introducción a la arqueología y etnología. Diez

mil años de historia argentina. Buenos Aires 1987. 13VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘The Alamito culture of Northwestern Argentina’. American Antiquity,

35 (1970), pp 135-140; VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘La cultura Alamito de la subárea Valliserrana del noroeste argentino’. Journal de la Société des Américanistes, 60 (1971), pp 7-64.

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completamente cubiertas por sedimentos. Esto se repite en sitios existentes en la parte meridional del Campo en las proximidades de Agua de las Palomas.14

En el valle de Ambato resulta clara la existencia de una continuidad histórica y cultural con el Campo del Pucará,15 tanto a nivel ceramológico (p ej la perduración e incremento de Alumbrera tricolor) como constructivo, donde perdura la técnica de paredes de barro con columnas de piedra. Es decir, subsiste en el período de Integración regional, manifestado en Ambato, el problema de la dificultad de reconocimiento de muchas estructuras.

La dificultad, e incluso, la imposibilidad de reconocimiento de construcciones de los períodos Formativo y de Integración regional varía considerablemente según las zonas, de acuerdo a la forma en que han operado a lo largo del tiempo los factores naturales, en especial la sedimentación, la erosión y la cubierta vegetal.

A los procesos naturales mencionados deben sumarse los factores antrópicos. Las poblaciones instaladas en las zonas donde existen sitios arqueológicos, como es el caso de El Pichao, frecuentemente destruyen recintos prehispánicos con el objeto de utilizar el material de las pircas o paredes de piedra, para edificar viviendas, cercos y corrales. Otras construcciones, como los antiguos andenes, son reutilizadas y adaptadas a las necesidades que tienen actualmente los habitantes de la zona.

Este proceso de destrucción parcial o total de las ruinas arqueológicas, o de modificación impuesta por la necesidad de adaptación a nuevos usos, no se halla restringido a la actualidad.

En los sitios arqueológicos que han sido ocupados durante largos períodos, es normal que la construcción de nuevas estructuras, o la modificación o reparación de estructuras en uso, hayan ido alterando las construcciones antiguas. Incluso, la necesidad de readaptar el espacio a las nuevas necesidades sociales, y la conveniencia que implica el ahorro de energía, pueden hacer desaparecer por completo las obras anteriormente realizadas. La reutilización de la piedra de construcciones en desuso para le edificación de nuevas obras, significa un importante ahorro de tiempo y esfuerzo, máximo cuando la materia prima ha sido escogida o preparada especialmente, como ocurre con las piedras canteadas. Esto hace que, tal como sucede con las glaciaciones, sea más fácil estudiar un fenómeno caunto más reciente es, debido a que cada nuevo acontecimiento borra, aunque sea parcialmente, los rastros dejados por el anterior. Cuanto más nos alejamos en el tiempo, más dificil resulta hallar evidencias que nos permitan reconstruir el pasado.

El espacio que ocupaban los sitios del Campo del Pucará, una vez abandonado, no ha vuelto a ser utilizado por poblaciones prehispánicas posteriores. Lo mismo ocurre en el valle de Ambato con los sitios del período de Integración regional. En un yacimiento como el de El Pichao, que manifiesta una continuidad temporal desde el Formativo hasta el período Hispano-Indígena, a los factores de perturbación naturales se le han sumado los procesos antrópicos producidos por una intensa y temporalmente larga ocupación del espacio.

Todo esto hace que, hasta el momento, sean los artefactos (de piedra y de cerámica) los únicos indicios que disponemos para detectar la presencia de entidades 14ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ & VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘Apuntes preliminares sobre la

arqueología del Campo del Pucará y alrededores (Dpto Andalgalá’, Pcia Catamarca). Anales de Arqueología y Etnología, 14-15, (Mendoza 1960), pp 115-162.

15VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘El problema de la periodificación en arqueología’. Actualidad antropológica, 16 (Olavarría 1975), pp 1-20; JOSÉ A PEREZ & OSVALDO R HEREDIA, ‘Investigaciones arqueológicas en el Departamento Ambato, provincia de Catamarca. Relaciones de la sociedad argentina de antropología, 9 (Buenos Aires 1975), pp 59-68; VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO & MARTA R A TARTUSI, ‘Aproximación al estudio del arte Predemontana de Sudamérica’. Cuadernos del instituto nacional de antropología, 12 (Buenos Aires 1990).

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socioculturales anteriores al período de Desarollos regionales en El Pichao. Decimos hasta el momento, porque se han constatado superposición de estructuras en algunas trincheras y pozos de exploración, que abren nuevas perspectivas en este sentido, a nivel de excavación.

2.4 Ocupación del espacio en El Pichao

2.4.1El período Formativo en El Pichao

La posibilidad de hallar en El Pichao vestigios de la ocupación del espacio desde el Formativo habia sido prevista sobre la base del análisis bibliográfico. Quiroga describe un “(...) ídolo 298, de piedra, de Colalao del Valle, que es un almirez [mortero] en su forma, teniendo en la parte de sujetarlo para moler, la cara de un animal extraño”.16 A este objeto, que por la descripción debe corresponder al Formativo, lo compara con otros, similares según el, provenientes de otros lugares de la provincia de Tucumán (Amaicha, Tafí) y de las provincias de Catamarca y Salta.

La prueba de la presencia de entidades formativas en la zona de El Pichao la constituyen: un recipiente de andesita, hallado a aproximadamente a un kilómetro al oeste de la localidad de Colalao del Valle por un poblador de la zona; y dos fragmentos de recipientes similares, también encontrados en superficie por habitantes del lugar. A uno de ellos se lo localizó en el Sector II de El Pichao, en las proximidades de la actual cancha de fútbol construída en pleno yacimiento; al otro. cerca del puente Dr Arturo Illia, emplazado sobre la ruta que une al El Pichao con Colalao del Valle.

La técnica de percusión sin pulimentación utilizada para construir los recipientes, la forma, el tamaño, y en el caso del ejemplar hallado completo, la decoración, no dejan dudas acerca de su filiación cultural.

En sitios de Campo del Pucará, pertenecientes a la cultura Alamito-Condorhuasi, se han ahllado ejemplares en un todo parecidos a los que aquí mencionamos, tanto en sitios correspondientes a la Fase I de esa cultura (200-350 d C) como a la Fase II (350-450 d C).17 Los ejemplares del Campo del Pucará se hallaron en asociación con áreas ceremoniales y de trabajo (“cobertizos”), nunca dentro de habitaciones; en un caso, como ajuar fúnebre en un entierro directo de adulto correspondiente a la Fase II.18

Además de esos recipientes, se han hallado en El Pichao algunos fragmentos de cerámica gris pulida, sin decoración, o decorada con líneas incisas finas y paralelas que forman a veces parte de elementos decorativos con sombreado zonal (“zoned hachure”), que corresponden a tipos característicos del Formativo. Por su factura y decoración podrían ubicarse dentro del conjunto de tipos cerámicos que tradicionalmente han sido reconocidos como Ciénaga.

16ADÁN QUIROGA, ‘Antigüedades Calchaquíes. La colección de Zavaleta’. Boletín del Instituto

Geográfico Argentino, 17 (Buenos Aires 1896), p 27. 17VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘La cultura Alamito de la subárea Valliserrana del noroeste argentino’.

Journal de la Société des Américanistes, 60 (1971), pp 7-64. 18Este recipiente figura como mortero en VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘Excavaciones arqueológicas en

la unidad D-1 de los yacimientos de Alumbrera (1964) (Zona de El Alamito), Dpto Andalgalá, Pcia de Catamarca, República Argentina’. Anales de Arquelogía y Etnología 24-25 (Mendoza 1971), pp 33-76.

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Los fragmentos mencionados han sido obtenidos en recolecciones de superficie, especialmente en el sector I, y en excavaciones, como las realizadas en la unidad 6 de dicho sector (ver informe en esta obra). Su frecuencia es muy reducida; en la unidad 6 y en las recolecciones de superficie adyacentes a la misma, el porcentaje de los fragmentos gris pulido sobre el total de la muestra varía entre 0.97 y 2.74; y el de los incisos entre 0.30 y 0.93.

En las excavaciones de la unidad 4 del sector I fue hallado un fragmento de tubo de pipa de cerámica gris pulida.

No se han ubicado estructuras que puedan adscribirse al período que estamos tratando.

2.4.2 El período de Integración regional en El Pichao

En recolecciones de superficie efectuadas en El Pichao especialmente en el sector I, han aparecido fragmentos de cerámica Aguada, tanto pintados como grabados, aunque en muy bajas proporciones. Estilísticamente comparten rasgos característicos de la cerámica Aguada que González ha denominado del Sector Septentrional19 o Aguada sensu stricto.20 Al igual que en el caso del Formativo, no se han hallado aquí estructuras que puedan identificarse con el período que nos ocupa.

Debemos tener en cuenta las observaciones que hemos apuntado anteriormente, respecto a las dificultades que entraña la localización de sitios correspondientes tanto al período Formativo como al de Integración regional.

La presencia de cerámica Aguada en El Pichao hace que debamos incluir a este sitio dentro de la problemática general que Aguada representa para la arqueología del noroeste Argentino.

A este respecto cabe señalar que al hablar de Aguada, no hemos utilizado el término “cultura” por cuanto consideramos que “(...) Aguada no es una cultura que se implanta sobre una área extensa, sino la manifestación de una integración regional resultando de la interacción de culturas del Formativo (...) de distinto origen, que alcanza a tener un denominador común a nivel de superestructura.”21

2.5 El significado de la ocupación del espacio para el análisis de la problemática Aguada

La distribución de Aguada, tomando como base la bibliografía disponible, los materiales existentes en el Instituto de arquelogía de la UNT, y las prospecciones que hemos realizado, abarca en Argentina desde el Departamento Cachi (Pcia de Salta) al

19ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, Arte Precolombino de Argentina. Introducción a su historia cultural.

Buenos Aires 1977. 20ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, ‘Las poblaciones autóctonas de Argentina’. Raíces Argentinas 3-4.

Córdoba 1982. 21VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO Y MARTA R A TARTUSI, ‘El area Pedemontana y su significación para

el desarollo del noroeste argentino, en el contexto sudamericano’. Ponencia presentada en el 46o Congreso internacional de americanistas, Amsterdam 1988.

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norte, hasta el norte de la Provincia de San Juan, por el sur (ver mapa de la Figura 2:1).22 Berenguer publica la descripción de un cesto campanuliforme bordado y una figurilla femina de madera, que atribuye a Aguada, provenientes de Coyo Oriente, en la zona de San Pedro de Atacama (Norte de Chile) [1].23 Esto, según ese autor lo señala, extendería la presencia de Aguada hasta esa zona, tal como había sido enunciado por González.24

En los valles y quebradas ocupados por la tradición Tafí (valles de Tafí y la Ciénaga, y Quebrada del Portugués; Pcia de Tucumán)25 que de acuerdo a las dataciones radiocarbónicas se desarolla desde el siglo IV a C26 hasta el siglo IX d C.27 Resulta clara la interrelación de Tafí con la tradición Candelaria a lo largo de toda la secuencia. Sin embargo, no se ha registrado aquí la presencia de Aguada.

Aguada se halla presente en el sector tucumano del valle de Santa María en sitios que, como El Pichao [15], se ubican en el borde oriental de las sierras del Cajón o de Quilmes [14 a 16], y se extiende hacia la ladera occidental de las Cumbres Calchaquíes, llegando a la zona de Amaicha [17]. Aparentemente no traspone las cumbres hacia los valles ocupados por Tafí, como podría haberlo hecho por las abras del Infiernillo y de las Animas. El paso utilizado para llegar a la zona de San Pedro de Colalao [13] debió ser un poco más al norte (Figura 2:1).

En la zona del piedemonte oriental y la llanura adyascente que corre desde San Pedro de Colalao hasta el Departamento Alberdi, no se han registrado sitios Aguada, sino solo Candelaria. A partir de Alberdi, Aguada continúa distribuyéndose hacia el sur [25 a 29].

22Los sitios identificados como Aguada por la presencia de cerámica se indican con un círculo relleno;

los identificados por arte rupestre, son una “U” invertida sobre un círculo relleno; el identificado por fragmentos cerámicos y objetos no cerámicos, fuera de Argentina, por un círculo relleno inscripto en un cuadrado.

En este mapa se corrige la ubicación de algunos sitios mal registrados en la Foto 2 de RODOLFO RAFFINO et al, ‘La expansión septentrional de la cultura La Aguada en el N O argentino’. Cuadernos del Instituto Nacional de antropología, 9 (Buenos Aires 1982), pp 7-35; y el mapa II, figura 3.4 de RODOLFO RAFFINO, Poblaciones indígenas en Argentina, urbanismo y proceso social precolombino. Buenos Aires 1988, como el de Molino del Pusto, que se halla situado a 2 km al norte de Santa María (Pcia de Catamarca), EDUARDO MARIO CIGLIANO et al, ‘Molino del Puesto. ‘Investigaciones arqueológicas en el valle de Santa María’. Instituto de antropología, publicación 4, Rosario 1960, pp 11-119; y en los mapas de Raffino se lo ubica al norte de El Pichao (Pcia de Tucumán). Además, se han agregado nuevos sitios.

Para faciltiar su ubicación en el mapa, en el texto, cuando se cita un sitio, se le coloca a continuación, entre corchetas [], el número que le corresponde en el mapa.

23JOSÉ BERENGUER R, ‘Hallazgos la Aguada en San Pedro de Atacama, Norte de Chile’. Gaceta Arqueológica Andina 12 (Lima 1988), pp 12-14.

24ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, ‘Las tradiciones alfareras del Período Temprano del N O argentino y sus relaciones con las de las áreas aledañas’. Anales de la universidad del Norte 2 (Santiago 1963), pp 49-65; ‘La cultura de la Aguada el N O argentino’. Revista del instituto de antropología, 2-3 (Córdoba 1964), pp 205-253; ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ & JOSÉ ANTONIO PÉREZ, Argentina indígena, vísperas de la conquista. Buenos Aires 1972.

25ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ & VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘Preliminary report on archaeological research in Tafí del Valle, N W Argentina’. Akten des 34 Internationalen Amerikanistenkongresses. Wien 1960, pp 485-496; MARÍA T BERNASCONI DE GARCÍA & ANA NÉLIDA BARAZA DE FONTS, ‘Estudio arqueológico del Valle de la Ciénaga (departamento de Tafí, Provincia de Tucumán)’. Anales de arqueología y etnología 35-37 (Mendoza 1985), pp 117-138.

26ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, ‘Nuevas fechas de la cronología argentina obtenida por el método del radiocarbón (V)’. Revista del instituto de antropología 2-3 (Córdoba 1965), pp 289-297, pp 290-292.

27EDUARDO BERBERIAN et al, Sistemas de asentamientos prehispánicos en el valle de Tafí. Córdoba 1988, pp 15-17.

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Los valles de Tafí y de la Ciénaga, y la Quebrada del Portugués, la vía más fácil de acceso a la llanura tucumana desde el valle de Tafí, constituyen un hiato geográfico que nos está marcando una clara frontera a nivel de interacción cultural.

El tema de la existencia de fronteras tiene como complemento espacial el de la territorialidad. Si existen fronteras de interacción es porque existen territorios o espacios no compartidos, claramente definidos.

Si nos remitimos al mapa de la Figura 2:1, observamos que hay dos grupos de arte rupestre identificables como Aguada por los elementos representados. Uno se halla marcando el extremo norte de la distribución de Aguada en Argentina; el otro, marcanda el borde sudoriental de la misma. El primero de los grupos nombrados [2] lo constituyen petroglifos, aún inéditos, localizados en el valle Calchaquí, en el sitio SSalCac 69, El Diablo,28 que hemos tenido oportunidad de relevar; el otro [46, 47], ya conocido a través de la bibliografía, es el de las pictografías de la Sierra de Ancasti.29

Aparte de su posible significado mágico-religioso, las manifestaciones de arte rupestre de Aguada podrían tener sentido a nivel de territorialidad, como expresión de una organización socio-politica más compleja y estructurada de lo que habíamos previsto. González había señalado con claridad, refiriéndose a Aguada, que:

El sistema de simple organización tribal, pudo estar superado aquí por el del señorío o reunión de un cierto número de tribus bajo una sola autoridad.30

Tal vez Aguada haya constituido un verdadero señorío originado por la dinámica de interacción entre Alamito-Condorhuasi y Ciénaga, que dio como resultado la integración de los dos sistemas socioeconómicos y culturales a los que hicimos referencia con anterioridad. La religión habría actuado como elemento aglutinador a nivel de superestructura, sobre pueblos de origen distinto, confiriéndose cierta homogeneidad reflejada en los aspectos iconográficos y religiosos. No resulta dificil pensar que en estas circunstancias, la existencia de fronteras como la que representaba la tradición Tafí con la conjunción de Candelaria, hubiera sido un elemento positivo para la consolidación de la centralización de la autoridad en Aguada.

La ocupación del espacio por parte de Aguada nos lleva, tomando en cuenta también otros indicadores, a reforzar la idea de la complejidad del período de Integración regional.

Los sitios Aguada se ubican generalmente en los valles del noroeste, entre los 1000 y 3000 m s n m, y con menor frecuencia en el piedemonte oriental y la llanura próxima. Estos últimos [25 a 29, 40 a 48, 90 a 96] forman como una angosta y larga frontera oriental, ecológicamente diferenciada en forma clara de las restantes zonas de ocupación.

La mayor parte del área ocupada por Aguada se manifiesta como un espacio bastante continuo, a excepción de un sitio que queda aislado y en altitud extrema, en la Puna, en las proximidades del Salar de Antofagasta [101], por encima de los 4000 m s n m. La distribución de sitios Aguada ocupando lugares tan distintos, está indicando la existencia de asentamientos ubicados en diferentes ambientes ecológicos, en función de la explota-

28PIO PABLO DIAZ, ‘Arte rupestre en Valle Arriba’. Estudios de arqueología 3-4 (Salta 1983), pp 9-25. 29NICOLÁS DE LA FUENTE & ADÁN ROBERTO DIAZ MORENO, ‘Algunos motivos del arte rupestre de

la zona de Ancasti (provincia de Catamarca)’. Miscelánea de arte rupestre de la República Argentina (ed Lidia C Alfaro de Lanzone et al). Monografías de arte rupestre, arte americano 1. Barcelona 1979, pp 37-59; NICOLÁS DE LA FUENTEet al, ‘Nuevos motivos de arte rupestre en la sierra de Ancasti, provincia de Catamarca’. Dos objetos de metal prehispánicos del valle de Catamarca.. Universidad nacional de Catamarca, Departamento de educación. Catamarca 1982, pp 13-45.

30ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, Arte precolombina de la Argentina, introducción a su historia cultural. Buenos Aires 1977, p 179.

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ción de recursos específicos. Pensamos que el intercambio y los principios fundamentales de la organización socio-económica de las sociedades andinas (...) “la reciprocidad, la redistribución y el control vertical de la ecología ”31, son mecanismos cuyo estudio debe profundizarse para poder comprender en forma integral la problemática Aguada. Estos mecanismos deben haber funcionado, en Aguada, sobre la base de una red mucho más compleja que la que operó en el período anterior, desempeñando un papel de gran importancia el tráfico caravanero, cuyo desarollo debe buscarse desde el Formativo, y cuya importancia para las sociedades prehispánicas han sido señaladas con claridad por arqueólogos chilenos.

Obras citadas

ALBERTI, GIORGIO & ENRIQUE MAYER, ‘Reciprocidad andina: ayer y hoy’. Reciprocidad e intercambio en los Andes peruanos (eds G Alberti & E Mayer). Instituto de estudios peruanos. Lima 1974, pp 13-33.

BERBERIAN, EDUARDO et al, Sistemas de asentamientos prehispánicos en el valle de Tafí. Córdoba 1988, pp 15-17.

BERENGUER R, JOSÉ, ‘Hallazgos la Aguada en San Pedro de Atacama, Norte de Chile’. Gaceta Arqueológica Andina, 12 (Lima 1988), pp 12-14.

BERNASCONI DE GARCÍA, MARÍA T & ANA NÉLIDA BARAZA DE FONTS, ‘Estudio arqueológico del Valle de la Ciénaga (Departamento de Tafí, Provincia de Tucumán)’. Anales de arqueología y etnología 36-37, (Mendoza 1985), pp 117-138.

CIGLIANO, EDUARDO MARIO et al, ‘Molino del Puesto. Investigaciones arqueológicas en el valle de Santa María’. Instituto de antropología, publicación 4, (Rosario 1960), pp 111-119.

DE LA FUENTE, NICOLÁS & ADÁN ROBERTO DIAZ MORENO, ‘Algunos motivos del arte rupestre de la zona de Ancasti (Provincia de Catamarca)’. Miscelánea de arte rupestre de la República Argentina (eds L C Alfaro de Lanzone et al). Monografías de arte rupestre, arte americano 1. Barcelona 1979, pp 37-59.

DE LA FUENTE, NICOLÁS et al, ‘Nuevos motivos de arte rupestre en la sierra de Ancasti, provincia de Catamarca’. Dos objetos de metal prehispánicos del valle de Catamarca.. Universidad nacional de Catamarca, Departamento de educación. Catamarca 1982, pp 13-45.

DIAZ, PIO PABLO, ‘Arte rupestre en Valle Arriba’. Estudios de arqueología, 3-4 (Salta 1983), pp 9-25. GONZÁLEZ, ALBERTO REX, ‘Las tradiciones alfareras del Período Temprano del N O argentino y sus

relaciones con las de las áreas aledañas’. Anales de la universidad del Norte, 2 (Santiago 1963), pp 49-65.

GONZÁLEZ, ALBERTO REX, ‘La cultura de la Aguada el N O argentino’. Revista del instituto de antropología, 2-3 (Córdoba 1964), pp 205-253.

GONZÁLEZ, ALBERTO REX, ‘Nuevas fechas de la cronología argentina obtenida por el método del radiocarbón (V)’. Revista del instituto de antropología, 2-3 (Córdoba 1965), pp 289-297.

GONZÁLEZ, ALBERTO REX, Arte Precolombina de Argentina. Introducción a su historia cultural. Buenos Aires 1977.

GONZÁLEZ, ALBERTO REX, ‘Las poblaciones autóctonas de Argentina’. Raíces Argentinas, 3-4. Córdoba 1982.

GONZÁLEZ, ALBERTO REX & VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘Apuntes preliminares sobre la arqueología del Campo del Pucará y alrededores (Dpto Andalgalá’, Pcia Catamarca). Anales de Arqueología y Etnología, 14-15, (Mendoza 1960), pp 115-162.

GONZÁLEZ, ALBERTO REX & VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘Preliminary report on archaeological research in Tafí del Valle, N W Argentina’. Akten des 34 Internationalen Amerikanistenkongresses. Wien 1960, pp 485-496.

31GIORGIO ALBERTI & ENRIQUE MAYER, ‘Reciprocidad andina: ayer y hoy’. Reciprocidad e

intercambio en los Andes peruanos (eds Giorgio Alberti & Enrique Mayer). Instituto de estudios peruanos. Lima 1974, pp 13-33, p 15.

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GONZÁLEZ, ALBERTO REX & JOSÉ ANTONIO PÉREZ, Argentina indígena, vísperas de la conquista. Buenos Aires 1972.

LUMBRERAS, LUIS GUILLERMO, Arqueología de la America Andina. Lima 1981. NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR, ‘The Alamito culture of Northwestern Argentina’. American Antiquity,

35 (1970), pp 135-140. NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR, ‘La cultura Alamito de la subárea Valliserrana del noroeste argentino’.

Journal de la Société des Américanistes, 60 (Paris 1971), pp 7-64. NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR, ‘Excavaciones arqueológicas en la unidad D-1 de los yacimientos de

Alumbrera (1964) (Zona de El Alamito), Dpto Andalgalá, Pcia de Catamarca, República Argentina’. Anales de Arquelogía y Etnología 24-25, (Mendoza 1971), pp 33-76.

NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR, ‘Conceptos instrumentales y marco teórico en relación al análisis del desarollo cultural del Noroeste argentino’. Revista del instituto de antropologia , 5, (Córdoba 1974), pp 169-170.

NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR, ‘El problema de la periodificación en arqueología’. Actualidad antropológica, 16 (Olavarría 1975), pp 1-20.

NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR, ‘Considerations on the periodization of Northwest Argentina’. Advances in Andean archaeology (ed D L Browman). The Hague 1978, pp 451-484.

NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR & MARTA R A TARTUSI, ‘El área Pedemontana y su significación para el desarollo del Noroeste argentino, en el contexto sudamericano’. Ponencia presentada en el 46o Congreso internacional de americanistas, Amsterdam 1988.

NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR & MARTA R A TARTUSI, ‘Aproximación al estudio del área Pedemontana de Sudamérica’. Cuadernos del Instituto nacional de antropología, 12 (Buenos Aires 1990).

OTTONELLO, MARTA M & ANA MARIA LORANDI, Introducción a la arqueología y etnología. Diez mil años de historia argentina. Buenos Aires 1987.

PEREZ, JOSÉ A & OSVALDO R HEREDIA, ‘Investigaciones arqueológicas en el Departamento Ambato, provincia de Catamarca’. Relaciones de la Sociedad argentina de antropología, 9 (Buenos Aires 1975), pp 59-68.

QUIROGA, ADÁN, ‘Antigüedades Calchaquíes. La colección de Zavaleta’. Boletín del Instituto Geográfico Argentino 17 (Buenos Aires 1896).

RAFFINO, RODOLFO A, Poblaciones indígenas en Argentina, urbanismo y proceso social precolombino. Buenos Aires 1988.

RAFFINO, RODOLFO A et al, ‘La expansión septentrional de la cultura La Aguada en el N O argentino’. Cuadernos del Instituto Nacional de antropología, 9 (Buenos Aires 1982), pp 7-35.

SJÖDIN, SUSANA, ‘The traditional periodization and ceramic classification’. El Pichao 1989. The first report from the project Emergence and growth of centres. A case study in the Santa María Valley in the Andes (eds P Cornell & S Sjödin, University of Gothenburg, Göteborg 1990, prel version), pp 11-13.

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3. Unit 1 as a household and the 1990 excavations in structure 3

Per Cornell, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

3.1 Unit 1

Unit 1 is situated in sector III. The unit consists of a large structure measuring approx. 28 x 21 m, and some smaller structures linked to the large one. The ceramic material may, on stylistic grounds, and related to the traditional Argentinian ceramic chronology, date the structure to somewhere between 1300 and 1550 A.D.

The relative age of the different structures cannot be estimated at present. I will, however, presuppose that, at least during some phase, all the structures has had some contemporaneous use. In the following I will try to describe the different structures and try to trace the occupational history of each individual structure.

I will consider Unit 1 as a household. Before entering the description of the archaeological material, I must therefore make a short discussion on the concept of household.

3.2 What is a household?

3.2.1 The household as a general concept

At a closer look household is a quite complex term. As a general concept in economic theory household is a unit within which a set of individuals is housed and fed, and in which elders and children as well as the so-called “active” population is integrated. Household activity is then contrasted to “gainful activity”, e. g. activities aiming at a money income. Thus defined households have existed in many societies in many different periods.32

This thus should be a world of pure subsistence, and corresponding activities should be production of food, production of necessary utensils, cooking, cleaning, and caring of children and the sick. But even if many types of households may be said to have certain basic subsistence functions that simply define the concept, they articulate in different ways, and the existence of household with few elements of non-subsistence function must be taken into consideration. 32This is the definition used in many “traditional” textbooks on political economy of the type of Adam

Smith.

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The quoted general definition of household was, however, used by Marshall Sahlins in his work Stone age economics, in the discussion on the Domestic mode of production (DMP). According to Sahlins, households is the “original” type of social organisation. These units were autonomous and produced themselves the main part of the products necessary for survival. Further, Sahlins described these units in the words of Chayanov, a Russian neo-classical (formalist) economist: each household strives to minimize the work for each member. If the working power of a household is enlarged, this enlargement is used to lower the amount of work of each member, not to intensify production. And such units avoid socio-political organisation, they “flee”. Thus Sahlins tries to find exclusively political factors as provoking structural change.33

Claude Meillasoux has a similar approach. He uses a term similar to that of Sahlins, and describes the household as a unit of reproduction. By this he means that the household strives to feed and care for its active members, the elders and the children, and that this is the function of the household. According to Meillasoux, working with West African examples, the political development thus took place outside the households.34 Like Emmanuel Terray,35 Meillasoux sees the state apparatus as an external phenomenon, based mainly on slavery. The slave has the advantage, from the slave-owner's point of view, not to be integrated in a household, thus only one active person must be fed, instead of a whole household unit.36

These definitions of the household are basically similar to the concept of an asiatic mode of production, as envisaged by Ferenc Tökey. Ferenc Tökey, an Hungarian sinologist, departed from Karl Marx' old Asiatic mode of production thesis. He states that the Asiatic societies have a stagnant character. The character of these societies is such that autonomous peasant villages co-exist with a state that is purely political in character, a state that does not engage itself in production. The villages are autonomous and self-sufficient in their internal organisation, only subject to taxation by the state according to Tökey. The stagnation is due to the lack of interest of the state in direct production, coupled with the small interest peasants show in expanding their production, knowing that all their surplus will be taxed away, writes Tökey.37

The concept of the redistributive state as envisaged by Karl Polanyi partly followed the same lines, but it stressed the state involvement at the level of distribution.38 In the evolutionary sequence of Richard Thurnwald, which was a point of departure for Polanyi, the all-embracing redistributive state is seen as the last phase in a sequence initiated by nomadic tribes that established a state and ruled over agricultural groups.39 I doubt that this ideal state has ever existed, and if so only in some few isolated cases. Redistributive feasts obviously have been important,40 and in some situations food has been redistributed in connection with catastrophies. However, the extent of this last

33MARSHALL SAHLINS, Stone age economics. New York 1972. 34CLAUDE MEILLASOUX, Maidens, meal and money (1975). Cambridge 1988. 35Cf. EMMANUELTERRAY, ‘La captivité dans le royaume abron du Gyaman’. L'esclavage en Afrique

précoloniale (Claude Meillasoux, ed.). Paris 1975, pp. 384-453 and EMMANUEL TERRAY ‘Gold production, slave labor, and state intervention in precolonial Akan societies: a reply to Raymond Dummett.’ Research in economic anthropology, vol. 5, Greenwich, Conn., 1983, pp. 95-129.

36CLAUDE MEILLASOUX, Anthropologie de l'esclavage. Le ventre de fer et d'argent. Paris 1986. 37FERENC TÖKEY, Essays on the asiatic mode of production (1960). Budapest 1979. 38KARL POLANYI, The great transformation, New York 1944. 39RICHARD THURNWALD, Die menscliche Gesellschaft, 3: Werden, Wandel und gestaltung der

wirtschaft. Berlin 1932. 40Craig Morriss has stressed this point in relation to Inca economy at Huánuco Pampa, cf CRAIG

MORRIS, ‘The infrastructure of Inka control in the Peruvian central highlands’. The Inca and Aztec states 1400-1800, New York 1982, pp. 153-171.

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phenomenon is not clear. It is interesting that Bronislaw Malinowski in the Argonauts of the western pacific wrote that food was plenty at the Trobriands and that part of it was let to rot, while he later in Coral Gardens and their magic writes that hunger catastrophies were far from rare and that the headmen and their relatives survived better than others in such connection, since they had more food stored.41

A more interesting approach in the study of the early state, especially the Andean, is that of John V Murra.42 Murra considers the conscription of members of households, or whole households, to have been the backbone of the Inca empire. He has also discussed the use of, and occupations in, different natural zones, and its relation to conscript labour. Still our knowledge is very partial and subject to intensive debate. However, If we provisionally accept the thesis of Murra as a fiction or model of the early Andean state, at least as a highland model, we may approach the problem of the household in a fresh manner. The household was conscribed in relation to its specific characteristics. Then, perhaps, we may begin to understand the dialectics of this relationship.

The outlined theoretical perspectives, however, all lack a more detailed attempt at studying the dialectics between household units and political systems, for example the state. Instead, state and household are considered to be autonomous, or the state is considered an all-embracing phenomenon. I will follow another line, and try to distinguish between different types of households, their specific character, and their interrelations. This is a necessary pre-requisite for understanding the relation of households to the emerging states.

3.2.2 Household variation

I cannot make any substantial theoretical discussion on the household in this report. However, I will make some basic statements that will be used as a basis for future work.

A. A household may consist of a nuclear family, but some sort of extended family is as common as the nuclear family group. However, I think it is useful to make a dividing line between societies in which the household level is only one of several groupings, and societies in which the household is the basic institution. Then both modern industrial society and societies like that of the hunting-gathering-harvesting Paviotso fall into the first category.43 Most peasant societies seem to belong to the latter more limited category. Of course, all societies have a multitude of groupings in which the individuals are integrated, but in many peasant societies the household is not only the frame for most domestic work, but the locus for various fields of production and trade. Thus, we immediately go beyond the “traditional” and general definition of household. I propose the classical sequence from a “communal” organization toward a more strictly organized

41BRONISLAW MALINOWSKI, Argonauts in the western pacific. London 1922, p. 173, BRONISLAW

MALINOWSKI, Coral Gardens and their magic, 1: The description of gardening. London 1935, pp. 160-164.

42JOHN V MURRA, The economic organization of the Inka state. (1955) Greenwich, Conn. 1980, JOHN V MURRA, ‘The Mit'a obligations of ethnic groups to the Inca state’. The Inca and Aztec states 1400-1800, New York 1982, pp. 237-262, J V MURRA, ‘La guerre et les rébellions dans l'expansion de l'état Inka’, Annales 33 (1978), pp.927-935, JOHN V MURRA, Formaciones económicas y politicas del mundo andino. Lima 1975.

43See JULIAN STEWARD,‘The Owens Valley Paiute’. University of California publications in American archaeology and ethnology,33:3, Berkeley 1932-34.

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household. The well-known cases of the Iroqois and the Huron may then constitute examples of transition from the first type to the second.44

B. All types of households of the latter category manifestly have some basic tasks in common. This is a major analytical problem. In Sahlins DMP the subsistence activities (production of food) is included as well as a series of home duties beyond subsistence, such as cooking, cleaning, child caring and so on. I propose to separate these latter tasks as an analytical unit. This is of course an “etic” conceptualization, as called by US-American anthropologists. It is not probable that the households we discuss made such a division themselves. However, I think that this is a useful concept, especially in archaeology, as I demonstrate below. Thus, I contend that we may define a “work of the home” aspect of the household as separated from the other aspects.

Archaeologically it might turn out difficult to see the difference of “home work” remains from a household and from other types of living quarters, such as barracks for slaves or other types of forced work, such as the aqqlakuna in the Inka empire, or barracks for warriors or simply temporary dwellings.45 Interpretations must in such cases rely largely on context, especially the scale and form of architecture.

C. For households of the latter of the two categories mentioned above under A, I tentatively discern four distinct basic forms according to economic function.

a. The “typical” household. An automous unit, characterized as a DMP in the writings of Sahlins and Meillasoux.

b. Households similar to type a, which are completely dependent by force on state, landowners or comparable groups, and that organize their production according to this dependency.

c. Households similar to type a in which there exists a secondary activity that goes beyond the scope of a typical DMP.

d. Specialized households, in which the whole range of household activities has been restricted by a specialized activity with a relatively advanced means of production. Typical examples are hunterers with large scale trap systems or with guns. These households necessarily relate to other groups and cannot survive in isolation. The Newfoundland population, as discussed by the anthropologist Gerald Sider, may be an example of this type of households.46

D. Households may also be differentiated according to their social status. Social status is archaeologically identified as the relative possession of certain objects which give or demonstrate status of the possessor.

E. The remaining part of this chapter will be dedicated to the identification of household units in the archaeological material and to the home-work part of the 44On the Iroqois cf the well-known study, LEWIS H MORGAN, The league of the Ho de nau sé. On the

Huron cf. BRUCE G TRIGGER, The children of Ataentsic. A history of the Huron people to 1660. Toronto 1976. ADAM KUPER, The invention of primitive society, London 1988, completely rejects the works of Morgan. While Morgan certainly has been superseded on most points, his description of the Iroqois is still a valid contribution. Even if Morgan exaggerated and forced many societies into the Iroqois mold, the Iroqois socio-economic organization still constitutes an interesting case. Kuper contributes nothing new beyond the critique on Morgan of ROBERT H LOWIE, History of ethnological theory. New York 1937. For a re-appraisal of the work of Morgan's on the Iroqois cf. ELISABETH TOOKER, ‘The league of the Iroqois, its history, politics and ritual’. Handbook of Noth American indians: Northeast (B G Trigger ed.), Washington 1978, pp. 418-441.

45Cf. on aqqlakuna Craig Morris, ‘L'étude archéologique de l´échange dans les Andes.’ Annales 33 (1978), pp. 936-947. For examples of slave barracks (Roman empire), cf. ANDREA CARANDINI & SALVATORE SETTIS, Schiavi e padroni nell'Etruria romana: la villa de Settefinestre dallo scavo alla mostra. Bari 1979, and for mentioning of warrior barracks (Zulu from Southern Africa) see MAX GLUCKMAN , Custom and conflict in Africa (1956). Oxford 1973 p. 148.

46GERALD SIDER, Culture and class, A Newfoundland illustration. New York 1986.

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household activity, and the archaeological criteria for such activity. It must be stressed that I will not be able to discuss the households activities beyond the spatial frame of the housecomplex.

3.2.3 The spatial frame of the household

It is almost impossible to identify and separate household activities in the archaeological material beyond the spatial frame of the household house group. Thus, we will never be able to trace and follow all the household activities. What we may do is to use the household housegroup as sample of household activities. However, this sample will always be biased. It is probable that some important activities will never be identified. To some extent we may get a better understanding through some sort of reasoning based on the wider archaeological record from the period of the given household house groups.

The spatial core of the household, the household house group, may be identified in the archaeological record, in the El Pichao case, as recurrent patterns of small assemblages of room structures. Each individual example of such recurrent pattern of structure combination will be called a unit. As will appear from other contributions to this report the El Pichao site is very complex, and contains several types of units.47 And, the picture gets even more complex through variations of unit combinations. In the northeastern part of sector II and the northwestern part of sector III, the structures are so densely packed that it is difficult to delineate units.48

The unit discussed in this article has been called unit 1. It is situated in sector III, SE of the area in which the structures are densely conglomerated. It is not difficult to identify and separate this unit from its surroundings, even if it is evidently linked through different wall systems to other units. Unit 1 was drawn in 1989 by Lisbet Bengtsson and the drawing was revised by Susana Sjödin in 1990 (see Figure 3. 1).

The largest structure, called structure 1 is more or less rectangular in shape, and about 28 x 21 m large. The walls are between 2 and 4 m wide, and of shell-wall type. Structure 1 is directly connected to some smaller structures. Inside structure 1, a set of constructional details may be noted. Raised stones are placed in rows three m from the each of the parallel walls running from East to West. The entrance to structure 1 is located on the SW longside, an opening one meter wide.

Structure 2, about 9 x 7 m large, is situated NW of structure 1. It is rectangular in shape, with a slightly rounded corner to SW. The wall to the north is substantially wider than the rest of the walls of this structure. The rest of the walls of this structure (as well as the walls of structure 3 and the walls in Unit 2) are thin, often less than half a meter wide. The entrance from structure 1 to structure 2 was easy to identify. It is situated in SE. This seems to be the only entrance to structure 2.

In the NE corner of structure 1, structure 3 is situated. It is about 7 x 5 m large, and is basically rectangular in shape, but slightly rounded in the corners and quite irregular. The entrance to structure 3 seems to have been from structure 1, but the entrance is not easy to identify.

47I outlined four basic types in the El Pichao 1989 report. 48Cf. the contribution of Per Stenborg, this volume. This densely packed area has been called Complex

A.

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SE of structure 1 there is another set of three or four smaller structures, evidently linked to structure 1 through the disposition of the walls (see Figure 3.1). These structures were called Unit 2, though they, in my opinion, do belong to Unit 1. The structures of Unit 2 creates a sort of enclosed space outside structure 1. In this enclosed space some mortars in large rocks were encountered.

3.2.4 Remains of “home work”

If we wish to identify “home work” as defined above, which are the criteria for this in the archaeological material? In NW Argentine Myriam Tarragó has adressed this issue, but still no detailed treatment exist.49 I will use paralell cases from other zones.

Stanley Stanish used several traits as criteria for household in his studies in the Atora valley, Peru. Apart of the architectural units themselves he mentions several artefact types: storage bins, hearths, mortars, fine and coarse ceramics, camelid bones, marine shells, guinea pig bone and remains of vegetables.50 One of these features as such cannot be said to indicate household, it is their co-occurrence that allow interpretation. Apart of the criteria mentioned by Stanish some more might be added. Refuse pits, for example, might be an important indication.

I include mortars as a part of cooking, though it might be seen as a part of the actual production of food. Criteria such as storage facilities and hearths are somewhat more difficult. Interpretation of storage facilities is often quite tricky, and to discern kitchen storage from other types of storage is not easy, we must rely heavily on scale. Hearths may seem to be a quite straight-forward criteria, and has been reported from some sites in NW Argentine.51 However, hearths may be of several types, and their identification in archaeological materials are by no means always straight-forward.52

Unit 1

Unit 1 may, according to the above mentioned criteria, be said to be a household unit. Apart of mortars in the superfice camelid bones, remains of vegetables, and coarse and fine ceramics have been found in the trenches. Minor hearths, visible as slightly darker portions of the earth were also identified in trench 15, in the small aggregated semicircular structure 3. Further, in the same trench we found a hearth or refuse bin consisting of ashes, charcoal, soot, burned stones bones and vegetable remains (a burnt maize cob). According to the criteria used commonly in archaeology, Unit 1 might then be called a household unit. I propose tentatively that the large open space was a general

49MYRIAM NOEMÍ TARRAGÓ, ‘Arqueología del período de desarollos regionales en la región

valliserrana central: Valle de Santa María’. Segundo taller de arqueologia de la Universidad Nacional de Catamarca, Catamarca (Catam.)1988, and personal communication.

50STANLEY STANISH, op cit. 51Cf. MYRIÁM NOEMI TARRAGO, ‘Los asentaminetos aldeanos tempranos en el séctor septentrional

del Valle Calchaquí, Provincia de Salta, y el desarollo agricola posterior’. Estudios arqueologicos, 5 (Chile) 1980, pp. 29-52.

52Cf. for an interesting discussion on archaeological interpretation of hearths DANIÈLE LAVALLÉE & MICHÈLE JULIEN, Asto: curacazgo prehispánico de los Andes centrales (1973). Lima 1983, Cf also K ANNE PYBURN, ‘Maya cuisine: hearths and lowland economy’. Prehistoric Maya economies of Belize, Greenwich (Conn.) 1989, pp. 325-344, which describes and discusses diffulties in finding hearths in the Maya area, Belize.

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working area, and the smaller aggregated structures, at least structure 3, the actual dwelling space.

3.3 Primeval use, changing patterns of use and abandonment

3.3.1 Deposits of labour processes through time

Here we will discuss the whole of the labour process of a household and its depositions. Thus, the cultural “formation processes” as discussed by Michael Schiffer53 will here be considered as labour processes. Primary deposition or secondary deposition as well as de facto refuse are effects of labour processes, that must be understood. These cannot be considered to be universal. The specific case of the site of El Pichao must be studied. I will start with the interpretation of walls, floors, hearths and evident trash dumps. I will try to categorize the layers according to the Harriss matrix principles.54 From these basic data combined with dated items, TL-dated ceramics and possibly clay on one hand, and carbon-14 dated carbon and bone on the other, I shall try to interpret the archaeological material in the layers. When writing this I still have no laboratory results at hand, so my discussion will be highly tentative.

3.3.2 Unit 1

Structure 3: habitation area

The interpretation of cultural layers in the light earth of El Pichao is difficult. The differences in colour between the layers is small. When making the excavation in unit 1, structure 3 we had little experience of this type of excavation in the area, and were under stress, with little time at our disposal. Because of this, the excavation was made with artifial layers, each layer more or less 10 cm thick. When we encountered some feature the excavation was stopped for documentation, and the artefacts were collected and registred with different subnumbers for the artificial layers. Thus, I have a registration that more or less may be made to correspond to the cultural layers. However, the bottom of floors were difficult to identify, and to some extent material immediately above the surface of floors were collected jointly with the material from the actual floor surface. However, I will use my somewhat approximated data.

The stratigraphy in structure 3, unit 1 may thus, as reconstructed, shortly be described as follows. The excavated area was denominated trench 15 (see Figure 3.1).55 Totally about 20 squares were excavated inside the structure, and some seven outside

53MICHAEL B SCHIFFER, Formation processes in archaeology. New York 1987. 54E C HARRISS, Principles of archaeological stratigraphy. London 1979. Cf. also F G FEDELE,

‘Towards an analytical stratigraphy: stratigraphic reasoning and excavation’. Stratigraphica archaeologica, 2, 1987, pp. 7-15.

55The excavation was led by Per Cornell, Cecilia Ericson, Susana Sjödin and Per Stenborg. I am indebted to to all participants for important advices and suggestions.

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(see plan, Figure 3.2). The cultural layers were generally between 80 cm and 1 m deep. The soil in the cultural layers was sandy silt with gravel and stones. The sterile level below between 80 cm to 1 m had gravel and stones with sand.

25

Between the present surface and about 30 cm depth the material is supposed to have been disturbed and partly accumulated by natural forces, above all running water.56 Thus this level will not be treated further here. At about 32-35 cm depth from today's surface we found a possible floor, a more densely packed layer of earth. The thickness of the floor was hard to establish. It was estimated at between 5 and 8 cm. Some relatively large ceramic fragments in horisontal position were found on this packed layer. At the surface of the thick layer some dark concentrations were found, probably small hearths (squares X,X). At about 54-57 cm depth another probable floor was found, a more densely packed layer of earth. A trash dump or possibly some sort of deep hearth, found in square 9 and 9b, had been excavated into the sterile earth down to about 1, 30 m. This dump contained ashes, soot, charcoal, burned stones and some bones.

56Cf. the work of Sven Ahlgren.

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Thus I may calculate with six cultural layers and totally 13 layers and interface for squares 9 and 9b, trench 15. It may be schematically represented as follows.

1 1. Present day surface 2. Mixed layer 2 3. Hearths at floor level I 4. Surface of floor level I 4 3 5. Floor level I 6. Cultural layer below floor 5 level I 7. Pitfill 6 8. Pit 9. Hearths at floor level II 10 9 7 10. Surface of floor level II 11. Floor level II 11 8 12. Cultural layer down to

sterile bottom. 12 13. Sterile bottom 13

Remains of homework auxiliary facilities

1. Hearths. As noted above, some hearths were found within structure 3. They were identified as concentrations of charcoal, soot, and ashes, spread unevenly in certain areas of the floor, always found on and in the floor levels.

2. Pit with ashes, soot, charcoal, burned stones, bones and earth. In square 9 and 9b a pit was found dug down into the sterile layer. The pit consisted of ashes and earth. In this fill a burnt maize cob was encountered. This pit may have been a hearth for cooking, but it may also have functioned as a refuse pit.

3. Kitchen stone (?). In square 19, some 10 cm above floor II, a large stone appeared with its base going down into sterile earth. It was encountered as a flat surface, 1 x 0,5 m. The opposite side of the stone was irregular. The flat surface may have been a kitchen stone, used for baking etc.

4. Stone semicircle, half a meter in diameter, located in the southeastern corner of structure 3. This semicircle was visible through some few stones above present-day surface and reached down to below floor level I. The function of this semicircle remains obscure.

Spatial patterns of the ceramic material from structure 3

The vertical spread of the ceramic material show no evident patterning. The ceramic material was classified according to three type-groups, Coarse, Santa Maria/Quilmes (Belén) and Others (table X).57 These seem to exist in equal proportions in the different

57Coarse ceramics, with high amounts of antiplastics, lack slip and generally any sort of decoration.

Santa Maria/Quilmes (Belén) is a brick red ware with white or red slip generally with decorations. It may have low or high amounts of antiplastic inclusions. Note that these three groups do not correspond to the categories developed by Susana Sjödin, cf. her contribution to this report. The classification used here is based on traditional Argentine classification. For a more detailed analysis of the ceramic material cf. Susana Sjödins article, this volume.

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levels. The uncommon types, if differentiated in the Other group show some, if weak, patterning in the vertical dimension. The so-called Famabalasto type has a high percentage in the levels 6, 11 and 12.58 However, this type is represented in such low frequency that it hardly can be used to indicate a chronological tendency, if the pattern cannot show itself repeated in future excavations. The Famabalasto type is considered more or less contemporary with the late Santa María types in traditional Argentine classification.

If this reasoning may be substantiated, the structure seem not to have been in use over a very long time-span. However, the existence of at least two floor levels, show that the space has been used and re-used. Thus, this may indicate that floors were re-established relatively frequently. The use of the structure, as reflected in the ceramic material, seem not to have been substantially altered through time.

The horisontal spread of the ceramic material shows some, if not a conclusive, indication of differentiation in the use of space within the structure. The ceramic material has been counted per square, ignoring the levels, and thus pre-supposing a certain continuity in the use of space. The material from each level/square is too small to allow detailed analysis. As seen in table X, coarse ware seems to exist in high relative frequencies in the middle of the structure, while existing in smaller proportions close to the walls of the structure. An exception is square 16, located close to the supposed opening into structure 1, which shows a high relative frequency of coarse ware ceramics. There exist a possible functional difference between the coarse ware and the other types. Coarse ware is suitable for cooking, while the other ceramic types found in structure 3 may have been containers, e. g. for water.59

Lithics

The lithic material from structure 3 is not a very large sample. Some few fragments of large stone implements, possibly large hammers or mortar pestles were found. Apart from this, quartz and obsidian dominated. The quartz material is difficult to cope with. No evident points were found. Rather, the quartz was used for cutting and similar uses. Obsidian does not occur in the geology of the El Pichao area, thus it must have been imported. About 120 fragments of obsidan were found in trench 15. Most were unfinished or discarded material. 20 objects were small points.60

Bones

Several small animal bones were found in trench 15. Llama bones were common in the small sample of identificable bones.

Skeltetons of small rodents were identified. The rodents had been digging small holes after the abandonment of the structure. Even two small nests of rodents were found.

Eggshell, identified as avestruts (ñandu) shell, was found. One human rib bone of was found in trench 15, square10, below floor level II.

Structure 2

Trench 3 in structure 2 showed that the cultural material was concentrated at about 1 m. below present day surface. The present day surface of structure 2 is substabtially 58Black/grey polished ware, often with incisions. 59For this interpretation I am indebted to Susana Sjödin. 60The lithic material will be studied by Staffan Anberg. Cf. his preliminary discussion in El Pichao

1989.

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higher than that of structure 1. Thus, it seems that structure 2 has been filled by earth at a late stage of the occupation of unit 1, or that it has been filled in connection with post-abandonment use of the unit. A rodents nest was also found in trench 3.61

A small metal object of copper was found in structure 2, and some lithic material. The ceramic material from trench 3 shows the same groups as in structure 3. Tosca has a relatively low frequency. Famabalasto occur in low frequency.

Structure 1: general use area

Structure 1, the large rectangular open space is hard to interpret. Its shere dimensions make it hard to understand it as a habitation area.

The space now occupied by Structure 1 has a complicated and long constructional history. In trench 2 (see plan Figure 3.1) we found an older wall below the structure 1 wall.62

In trench 1, in structure 1, the raised stones visible at surface were found to be placed superficially, only 10-25 cm below present day surface. This makes us believe that these raised stones belong to the last phase of occupation of Unit 1, and that their existence indicates some sort of functional change.

At about 20 cm below surface a layer with much stone material was found. This layer may be interpreted as debris from the wall to structure 1. At about 20 cm below surface a llama jaw was found, square 1.

A floor level was found at some 15 to 30 cm below the present day surface. This floor was identified as a compressed layer of soil, with a high frequency of artefacts.63

In this floor level, the macrofossil analysis of an earth sample showed some carbonized beans.64

The ceramic material from trench 1 shows the same groups as in structure 2 and 3. Santa María/Quilmes and Tosca dominates. Famabalasto is very rare. Tosca has a relatively low frequency (though it is the most common group in square 7).

Unit 2

Unit 2 may be interpreted as a working space, and especially the mortars give such an impression. Trench 2 reached into Unit 2. In the open space immediately outside the wall of Unit 1, a reconstructable pot and some beans were found (cf. below, section on the abandonment).

The small stone circle, about 3 m. in diameter, the so called structure 3 of unit 2, contained large stones in the upper layers, probably material from the collapsed wall. Below these several camelid bones were found, notably a rib bone found in vertical position. This structure may first have functioned as a storage room, and later used as a refuse pit.65

In the ceramic material from structure 3, Unit 2, the Santa María/Quilmes group dominates.

61For the observations and interpretations on trench 3, I am indebted to Victor Nùñez Reguiero, Marta

Tartusi and Jorgelina Azcárate. 62For the observations and interpretations on trench 2, I am indebted to Staffan Anberg. Cf. his

discussion on trench 2, El Pichao 1989. 63For the observations and interpretations on trench 1, I am indebted to Lisbet Bengtsson. Cf. her

contribution on trench 1, El Pichao 1989. 64All analysis of macrofossil was made by Sven Ahlgren. 65Cf. Staffan Anbergs discussion on trench 2, El Pichao 1989.

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Secondary refuse in the walls

The wall fill of unit 1 at El Pichao is evidently secondary refuse. However, in the wall fill section of trench 2, square 8-9, level 1, nine fragments constituting a half small spherical bowl (a puco) were found. If the wall top itself has not been an activity area or storage area, and the bowl thus may be considered as de facto refuse, this means that almost whole vessels were discarded .

Moment of abandonment

In Unit 1 only few reconstructable items were found, evident cases of de facto refuse (indicating the abandonment stage) in Schiffers terminology. Interestingly enough, a reconstructable pot with decoration was found in the so-called Unit 2, in trench 2, square 3, thus outside structure 1 of Unit 1. This observation may turn out interesting, if it may be shown to be a repeated pattern. Associated to this pot we found carbonized beans in the macrofossil sample.

Large fragments of coarse ware ceramics, part of a large pot, were found in the wall between structure 1 and structure 3.

When a very special type of temper has been used, this may indicate that fragments of similar types may stem from a certain individual vessel. In the large rectangular structure 1 of unit 1, in trench 2, square 10, four pieces of ceramics were found that probably stem from the same vessel. All were coarse tempered with biotite, and the common quartz and feldspar. In trench 2, square 4-5, ten fine textured fragments tempered with graphite were found, probably belonging to two vessels. Nine fragments were found in level 2 (at about 20 cm below surface) and one in level 4 (at about 40 cm below surface).

3.4 Some concluding remarks

This small article must be considered as a part of a larger study, in which various household units at El Pichao will be compared. Only when such comparisons have carried out may I say something about the charcter of the household in Unit 1. The discussion in this article has mainly referred to what I have chosen to call the “home-work” part of the household. Such an analysis, incorporating a discussion on chronology and possible changes in use of various structures is a necessary pre-requisite for a wider analysis of the meaning of households.66 The short presentation and discussion in this article has also raised some important topics for further discussion, such as the meaning and pattern of accumulation of refuse (for example, was a human rib bone refuse, or has it been conciously deposited, or deposited by “mistake”?).

I will probably never be able to link the specific household group to remnants of its activities beyond the house group itself. Through some sort of reasoning I may reconstruct the general character of the wider household activities, but the analytical problem remains when I will attempt at comparing household units.

66At present, few such studies are available on NW Argentinian material. Some interesting studies are

unpublished, cf. for example LIDIA N BALDINI, La occupación arqueológica en el sitio Molinos I, Dpto Molinos, Salta, y la transición a los Desarollos regionales. La Plata 1988-89, unpublished manuscript. I would like to thank Lidia Baldini for allowing us to take part of this study.

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Even if I may infer, from general experience (people die and their corpses are hard to get rid off), and from indirect evidence (maize cobs and beans may indicate cultivation), that each household buried its dead and cultivated the soil, we will only on special occasions be able to link a specific tomb to a specific household, still less a specific agricultural terrace to a specific household. Thus, the interpretation and the meaning of the household housecomplex in itself becomes an important problem, that must be further discussed.

References

ADAM KUPER, The invention of primitive society, London 1988. AHLGREN, SVEN, El Pichao 1989 ANBERG, STAFFAN, El Pichao 1989. BALDINI, LIDIA N, La occupación arqueológica en el sitio Molinos I, Dpto Molinos, Salta, y la

transición a los Desarollos regionales. La Plata 1988-89, unpublished manuscript. BENGTSSON, LISBET, El Pichao 1989 CARANDINI, ANDREA & SALVATORE SETTIS, Schiavi e padroni nell'Etruria romana: la villa de

Settefinestre dallo scavo alla mostra. Bari 1979. CORNELL, PER, El Pichao 1989. FEDELE, F G, ‘Towards an analytical stratigraphy: stratigraphic reasoning and excavation’.

Stratigraphica archaeologica, 2, 1987, pp. 7-15. GLUCKMAN, MAX, Custom and conflict in Africa (1956). Oxford 1973. HARRISS, E C, Principles of archaeological stratigraphy. London 1979. LAVALLÉE, DANIÈLE & MICHÈLE JULIEN, Asto: curacazgo prehispánico de los Andes centrales

(1973). Lima 1983. LOWIE, ROBERT H, History of ethnological theory. New York 1937. MALINOWSKI, BRONISLAW, Argonauts in the western pacific. London 1922. MALINOWSKI, BRONISLAW, Coral Gardens and their magic, 1: The description of gardening. London

1935. MEILLASOUX, CLAUDE , Anthropologie de l'esclavage. Le ventre de fer et d'argent. Paris 1986. MEILLASOUX, CLAUDE, Maidens, meal and money (1975). Cambridge 1988. MORGAN, LEWIS H, The league of the Ho de nau sé. MORRIS, CRAIG, ‘L'étude archéologique de l´échange dans les Andes.’ Annales 33 (1978), pp. 936-947. MORRIS, CRAIG, ‘The infrastructure of Inka control in the Peruvian central highlands’. The Inca and

Aztec states 1400-1800, New York 1982, pp. 153-171. MURRA, JOHN V, ‘La guerre et les rébellions dans l'expansion de l'état Inka’, Annales 33 (1978),

pp.927-935. MURRA, JOHN V, ‘The Mit'a obligations of ethnic groups to the Inca state’. The Inca and Aztec states

1400-1800, New York 1982, pp. 237-262. MURRA, JOHN V, Formaciones económicas y politicas del mundo andino. Lima 1975. MURRA, JOHN V, The economic organization of the Inka state. (1955) Greenwich, Conn. 1980. NÙÑEZ REGUIERO, VICTOR & MARTA TARTUSI, El Pichao 1990. POLANYI, KARL, The great transformation. New York 1944. PYBURN, K ANNE, ‘Maya cuisine: hearths and lowland economy’. Prehistoric Maya economies of

Belize, Greenwich (Conn.) 1989, pp. 325-344. SAHLINS, MARSHALL, Stone age economics. New York 1972. SCHIFFER, MICHAEL B, Formation processes in archaeology. New York 1987. SIDER, GERALD, Culture and class, A Newfoundland illustration. New York 1986. SJÖDIN, SUSANA, El Pichao 1990 STENBORG, PER, El Pichao 1990 STEWARD, JULIAN, ‘The Owens Valley Paiute’. University of California publications in American

archaeology and ethnology,33:3, Berkeley 1932-34.

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TARRAGÓ, MYRIAM NOEMÍ, ‘Arqueología del período de desarollos regionales en la región valliserrana central: Valle de Santa María’. Segundo taller de arqueologia de la Universidad Nacional de Catamarca, Catamarca (Catam.)1988.

TARRAGO, MYRIÁM NOEMI, ‘Los asentamientos aldeanos tempranos en el sector septentrional del Valle Calchaquí, Provincia de Salta, y el desarollo agrícola posterior’. Estudios arqueológicos, 5 (Chile 1980), pp. 29-52.

TERRAY, EMMANUEL, ‘Gold production, slave labor, and state intervention in precolonial Akan societies: a reply to Raymond Dummett.’ Research in economic anthropology, vol. 5, Greenwich, Conn., 1983, pp. 95-129.

TERRAY, EMMANUEL, ‘La captivité dans le royaume abron du Gyaman’. L'esclavage en Afrique précoloniale (Claude Meillasoux, ed.). Paris 1975, pp. 384-453.

THURNWALD, RICHARD, Die menscliche Gesellschaft, 3: Werden, Wandel und gestaltung der wirtschaft. Berlin 1932.

TOOKER, ELISABETH, ‘The league of the Iroqois, its history, politics and ritual’. Handbook of Noth American indians: Northeast (B G Trigger ed.), Washington 1978, pp. 418-441.

TRIGGER, BRUCE G, The children of Ataentsic. A history of the Huron people to 1660. Toronto 1976. TÖKEY, FERENC, Essays on the asiatic mode of production (1960). Budapest 1979.

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4. Sector VIII

Susana Sjödin, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

4.1 Description of a part of sector VIII

The following description concerns a terraced part of sector VIII lying in close connection to a gully running in Northwest-Southeast direction. The observations are based on the remains visible at the surface in 1990. The terraces are built on the lower part of the mountain slope just above the alluvial cone and is bordered by sector III at the lowest east point (Figure 4.1). The upper western part is very much eroded, as well as the constructions bordering to the gully to the north and the mountain side to the south. Sediments, due to erosion, has covered several constructions, making the interpretation difficult in many cases.

The terraced area consists of eight levels with constructions. The terraces climb up the mountain slope, with a difference of altitude of about 35 m from the first terrace just above sector III to the last terrace (Figure 4.2). The terraces are getting shorter and narrower the higher up they are situated, due to the topography, the remains of the first terrace main wall being at least 37 metres long and the last 10 metres. The walls are built as shell-walls, many of them heavily eroded. Between the terraces are minor slopes, with highly eroded, but in some places still visible, smaller terraces. There can be up to four or five of these smaller terraces between two terrace levels. Mortars, i e grinding holes in boulders or bedrock, and milling stones are observed at terraces two, four and six, and above terrace eight. There are ceramic fragments scattered all over the area, Santa María black painted on white or cream and red coarse ware being the commonest wares. Fragments of black and grey polished ware with incisions and red polished ware are also found, but in smaller quantitites. Flakes of quartz are also observed as well as some wrought obsidian. On the second terrace level a round small disc of clay, ca 3 cm diameter, was collected, with incised geometric decoration on the border. This object is quite peculiar, with a hollow in the middle of the exterior surface not going through the piece, and of unknown function.

On the slope rising up from the plain of sector III to the first terrace level are built two walls, partially heavily eroded and difficult to distinguish (Figure 4.1). The lowest lying wall, about 3 meters altitude above the plain of sector III, has a length of 38-40 metres. It is rather thick, being about 0,9 metres wide. It follows the slight S-curve of the slope. About 4 metres altitude above is the second wall, which forms part of the construction of the first terrace level.

The terrace levels have semicircular and rectangular structures with openings in the walls, connecting the different rooms.

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4.1.1 The terraces 1 - 8

Terrace 1

The limiting wall of the first terrace level is eroded and not well preserved at its both ends, and it begins about seven metres above the plain of sector III. To the south, and boarding the mountain side, is a highly eroded semicircular construction surrounding a possible passage or entrance. The passage construction consists further of a four metres long wall connected with the longitudinaly going terrace wall and forming an angle with it. A similar construction can be distinguished on the second terrace, also lying close to the southern mountain side. The limits of the rectangular constructions of the first terrace are hard to discern, due to the erosion. There is, however, a perpendicular wall, making the first rectangular construction ca 26 metres long and five metres wide. Inside this room is a T-formed wall, perhaps originally dividing this room into three smaller parts, one of them being just ca 2.5 m x 2.5 m. The remains of the second rectangular construction on this level consists of a 16 m long and 7 m wide area, narrowing to the northern part due to the topography and the limiting terrace wall.

Terrace 2

The second terrace level is better preserved at its middle and northern parts than the first terrace level. At least four different constructions can be observed. To the south is a semicircular wall, perhaps being part of a similar passage-construction as the above described on terrace one. There is an additional parallel going wall, about 5 metres long, between the terrace wall, and the angular wall of the southernly construction, the remains of the latter just being an angular corner formed by walls with the inner dimensions of ca 3-4 metres. The big rectangular room, lying in the middle of the terrace, is ca 17-18 metres long and rather wide, ca 10 metres. There is one more passage to this construction in the middle of the terrace wall, about 7.5 metres from the formerly described passage, being 0.8 m wide. A small, nearly quadrangular room, ca 3.75 x 3.75 m inner dimensions, with one wall forming part of the terrace wall, has no entrance from the surrounding rooms on the terrace. A bigger rectangular room lying at the northermost part, ca 16 x 6 m, has an entrance construction facing the gully. The wall of the entrance makes a square angle continuing into the room, making an additional, almost quadrangular, room just at the border of the gully, ca 3 x 3 m inner dimensions. There is also a wall following the border of the gully. It is heavily eroded and very difficult to interpret, but it might be a part of a construction preventing landslides.

On this terrace stone slabs are raised. Between terrace levels two and three the slope is divided into three discernable

smaller terraces, not marked on the plan, figure xx. The slope rises about 4 metres in altitude to the next terraced level.

Terrace 3

The third terrace level is not well preserved. Originally raised stone slabs have been observed on this level, one is still standing. There is a pit made of looters, or huaqueros, beside the still raised stone slab. An angular formed entrance is lying near the mountain slope. The terrace wall follows the terrain, and bends ca 7.7 metres after the perpendicular going wall which limits the terrace at the mountain side. The bend forms a

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corner, in which there is a mortar stone. The wall bends once more, and the new direction of the wall is parallel to the main terrace walls of the surrounding terraces. Two passages are discernible in this wall, one leading into a big rectangular structure, and one leading into the smaller room boarding the gully. The main terrace wall here makes another angular bend, due to the terrain. There is also a passage between these rooms. Between terraces three and four the smaller terraces of the slope are destroyed.

Terrace 4

The next terrace level, terrace level four, is about two metres in altitude above level three. The remains of the main terrace wall is ca 18 metres long, and there is just one rectangular construction seen today. This construction has got a wall going perpendicular to the main terrace wall following the side of the mountain. As this wall has a passage, one might suppose that there has been a room lying close to the mountain side, actually hidden under sediments. Towards the gully is a high eroded wall with one passage leading out from the rectangular structure facing the north. Further, there are two stone slabs, one of them still standing. On the slope between levels four and five, which is not well preserved and with intermediate terraces hard to discern, there is a mortar on a boulder lying close to the fifth terrace level.

Terrace 5

Terrace level five has better preserved walls than the former terrace four. There are two rectangular structures, the biggest lying to the north and being at least 6 m x 11.25 m. A series of raised stones divide this room into two parts (fig XXX - detaljplan t 5). In the NW corner is a pit made by looters or huaqueros. The slope leading up to level six is much eroded.

Terrace 6

The next terrace level tapers to the mountain side, where its main wall meets the main wall of the level above. This terrace is divided into three rather small parts, being 15 metres long altogether. The biggest room, lying in the southern part, is 10 metres long and 1.5 m to 3.75 m wide (inner dimensions). At 10 metres there is a 1.5 metres long perpendicular going wall, ending at a mortar boulder. The two smaller structures at the north, following the steep slope boardering the gully, have very eroded walls. These two smaller structures are divided by a curving wall, ca 2.5 metres long. Also the slope above this level is hard eroded.

Terrace 7

The main terrace wall of level 7 begins on the mountain side just above the former level and follows the topography of the mountain, making a bend after 7.5 metres. There are two structures, the biggest being 9 m x 4 m (inner dimensions), and the smaller 4 m x 4.5 m (inner dimensions). There might have been one more room close to the southern mountain side. The biggest room has got a perpendicular going wall in the south, bending at 3.75 m, giving the room a polygonal form. In the nortwest corner there is a big boulder on the terrace floor, and a pit dug by huaqueros. The slope up to the next level is small and much eroded.

Terrace 8

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The last terrace level, level eight, has just got a minor part of the original wall preserved. However, there is division into three small rooms, with one discernable passage between two of them. Above the terrace the slope might have been terraced, at least there are traces of a wall limiting the terrace level from the above lying slope and making the terraced plain 1.75 metres to 3.75 metres wide (inner dimensions). About 5 metres above this terrace is a mortar on a boulder lying near the border of the gully.

4.1.2 The slope above the terrace levels and the smaller terraces

The rest of the slope is eroded. It becomes more and more steep climbing up above terrace level eight, and with higher amounts of eroded material.

50 m above terrace eight on the west side, were found fragments of coarse ware with high amounts of muscovite (so called Caspinchango-ware) and red and black painted red polished ware (painted Famabalasto?).

About 100 m above terrace eight is a wall constructed on the slope. It is about 2 m2 and possibly being a protective contrivance against earth- and mountain-slides. Similar constructions are found on even higher levels, some of them quite well preserved due to lesser slide-masses having fallen down on these levels. Some small room-constructions were observed and a larger one with a distinct entrance. Raised flat stones are noticed in connection with the constructions. Two kinds of ceramics were found in these higher regions, Santa María bi- and tricoloured and the connected common coarse wares.

The terraced slopes

The terraced slopes in between the terraces, could have been used for smaller horticultural activity if they did not just formed part of the construction of the terraces making access easier between the different levels or to prevent erosion. These three functions might also have been combined.

4.1.3 The terrace complex as a whole

A striking feature is the regularity of the terrace complex seen as a whole. A three-partite division is repeated, consisting of one big rectangular structure flanked by two smaller. This pattern is varied, in some cases with further divisions, discernible as walls dividing some of the rooms into smaller ones. The sizes of the terraces vary due to the topography. There are often passages or entrances to the smaller structures near the mountain slope at the southern part of the terrace levels. Mortars made in boulders and unmovable, i e on terraces two, four and six, are situated inside the biggest of the rectangular structures. The mortar situated above terrace eight is near the gully.

The eight terrace-levels may be considered as one complex unit, built in connection to each other, and probably intended to be household units. The similarity between the levels might indicate a planned function of the complex as a whole.

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4.2 Mapping the constructions and terraces of part of sector VIII

Measurements with theodolite were made of part of sector VIII. 36 points were laid out and marked at corners and openings of the constructions. To manage to measure all the points with the theodolite, we were forced to use two different instrument points, one at the southern mountain side looking above terrace 6, and one from terrace 8. The measure points were measured twice, reverting the instrument the second time, in order to have an average value. These points were afterwards complemented in the field with further measurements departing from the points measured with theodolite, this time utilising measuring-tape and compass. In this way we managed to get a rather schematic but accurate mapping of the area chosen.

The mapping of the area was further supplied with measurements for contour lines. We marked out 41 points in the topography around the terraced area, climbing up the mountain slopes on the three surrounding sides. We departed from a reference point, a big boulder, in sector III giving it a value of 1000 m a s l, and taking some points formerly measured with theodolite as comparisons. The points for the contour lines were also measured with theodolite, using two different instrument points, one at sector II just below terrace 1, and one at terrace 8 formerly employed for mapping the constructions. The points were measured twice, reverting the instrument to get an average value.

To construct the contour lines, all the points measured with theodolite were utilized. The whole metres were calculated using interpolation operations.

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5. Excavación de la unidad 6 del sectór I del sitio STucTav 5 (El Pichao)

Marta R A Tartusi, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán Victor A Núñez Regueiro, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán

5.1 Introducción

A fines del siglo pasado y comienzos del presente ya existía, entre algunos investigadores dedicados al estudio del pasado, inquietud por el tema de la función y el significado religioso o ceremonial de algunos restos arqueológicos.67 En otros trabajos de la misma época encontramos descripciones de estructuras cuya funcionalidad no resultaba evidente, a las cuales, sin embargo, debemos tomar en cuenta si queremos instroducirnos al estudio sistemático de las manifestaciones superestructurales de las sociedades prehispánicas.68

Hasta el momento, el problema de la identificación de estructuras relacionadas con el culto del período de Desarollos regionales, ha sido más dificil de abordar que para los períodos anteriores.

“La arqueología del período Tardío [período de Desarollos regionales, según nuestro esquema] no ha llegado a identificar ninguna estructura arquitectónia que se distinga netamente del resto de los asentamientos y que por sus rasgos pueda clasificarse somo templo. Es posible que excavaciones cuidadosas futuras logren identificar estos mochaderos o templos incipientes. Aquí queda estblecida la necesidad de su búsqueda arqueológica. Problema que en la práctica nos lo hemos planteado desde hace muchos años. Su identificación en el período Tardío resulta difícil, porque al parecer, la diferenciación arquitectónica no era muy notable. Cosa muy diferente a la identificación de los centros ceremoniales de los períodos Temprano y Medio [Formativo e Integración regional, según nuestro esquema. El subrayado es nuestro]”.69

En este trabajo damos a conocer los resultados preliminares que ha arrojado la excavación de un montículo en el sitio STucTav5 (El Pichao) durante la campaña de 1990. Los testimonios recuperados nos permiten inferir que se trata de una estructura ceremonial o templo Santamariano, posiblemente correspondiente al período Imperial o

67ADÁN QUIROGA, ‘Antgüedades calchaquíes. La colección Zavaleta’. Boletín del instituto geográfico

argentino, 17 (Buenos Aires 1896), pp 177-213; ERIC BOMAN, Antiquités de la région andine de la République Argentine et du désert d'Atacama. Paris 1908.

68JUAN B AMBROSETTI, ‘La antigua ciudad de Quilmes (Valle Calchaquí)’. Boletín del instituto geográfico argentino, 18. (Buenos Aires 1897), pp 33-70; CARLOS BRUCH, ‘Descripción de algunos sepulcros calchaquíes. Resultados de las excavaciones efectuadas en Hualfín (pcia de Catamarca)’. Revista del museo de La Plata, 11. (La Plata 1904), pp 11-27.

69ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, ‘Nota sobre religion y culto en el Noroeste argentino prehispánico. A propósito de unas figuras antropomorfas del museo de Berlin’. Bæssler Archiv, Neue Folge, 31. (Berlin 1983), pp 219-282.

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Incaico. Nuestro objetivo es, además, el de comparar a través de la bibliografía, y con las referencias etnohistóricas disponibles, tema este último que ya ha sido encarado intensivamente en el referido trabajo de González.

5.2 Descripción general del sector I

El sector I se halla situado frente al pueblo El Pichao, separado de éste por el cauce del río homónimo. Hacia el NE la barranca de la margen derecha del río está prácticamente unida a la ladera del cerro Condor Huasi, que rodea al sector por el O y que constituye el sector VI. El E se halla delimitado por la barranca mencionada, y el sur por una línea imaginaria que parte de la Quebrada del Zorro (torrente temporal de pronunciada y extensa pendiente), y muere en el lecho del río, a la altura en que éste comienza a abrirse en dos cauces.70

El sector presenta una pendiente mayor en sentido O-E, o sea desde la ladera del cerro hacia el río, y otra pendiente menor de NE a SE, paralela al curso de agua. La barranca es más alta al comienzo del sector, con aproximadamente 4 m de altura; luego, debido a que la erosión del río disminuye en las proximidades del tramo final del canal colector, desciende a menos de 1 m, para ascender levemente en las cercanías del límite con el sector II.

La zona presenta mucha erosión, tanto la producida por el río después de cada creciente, como la que resulta de las lluvias que ocasionan mucha arroyada en surco, formando numerosas torrenteras. Estas arrastran clastos aguzados de tamaño mediano a pequeño, y arcilla, cubriendo las estructuras cercanas al cerro, y originando cárcavas que aumentan de tamaño después de cada precipitación.

Las rocas más grandes que afloran en el sector son gneis bandeados y esquistos micáceos con más de dos metros de diámetro, que se encuentran en las proximidades de la barranca.71

Las estructuras habitacionales recién comienzan a ser claramente visibles en las proximidades del sector II, donde la pendiente disminuye, y se extienden hacia la parte austral del sector VI.72 Antes de llegar a ellas encontramos líneas de muros de contención, a veces tangenciales a la pendiente mayor, y otras paralelas al río, delimitando superficies aterrazadas, largas y angostas, especialmente de grandes rocas y el aprovechamiento de bloques rocosos naturalmente depositados, para conformar los muros, que aparecen así sólidamente construídos, pero carentes de lienzo parejo. Algunas de las rocas próximas al río tienen morteros, a veces múltiples.

Desde un punto de vista funcional da la impresión que todo el sector, desde su comienzo hasta llegar a la zona de estructuras habitacionales, ha sido acondicionado para controlar los procesos erosivos que producen las lluvias sobre la pendiente, y las aguas recibidas por el canal de desagüe del río sobre la margen derecha del mismo.73 Si

70SUSANA SJÖDIN, El Pichao 1989. The first report from the project Emergence and growth of

centres. A case study in the Santa María Valley in the Andes (prel version). (Göteborg 1990), Map 2. 71EDUARDO RIBOTTA, m.s. 72Es posible que hallen estructuras habitacionales ocultas actualmente por clastos y arcillas,

especialmente en las proximidades de la ladera del cerro, donde la acumulación de material es mayor.

73Excavaciones realizadas en una zona próxima a los comienzos del sector (Unidad 6, excavada bajo la supervisión de Jorgelina García Azcárate), donde se perfilaban hileras de piedras paradas que podían

41

bien en esta zona pudieron haberse efectuado tareas agrícolas, éstas deben haberse realizado predominantemente en las partes más bajas del sitio, a partir de los sectores II y III, donde comienza a formarse el cono aluvial sobre el cual divaga al río.

Entre las rocas con morteros que se encuentran en el sector, sobresale un gran bloque situado en la parte media del mismo, en las proximidades de la barranca. Se halla ubicado en un lugar donde se hace mucho más complejo el sistema de muros de contención aterrazados, y posee dimensiones mayores que el resto de las grandes rocas que se hallan en la zona.

Justo antes que comiencen las construcciones habitacionales se localizó un montículo de piedras, de forma aproximadamente circular, que se unía a una gran roca con petroglifos y hoyuelos de escasa profundidad y diámetro variable. Medía aproximadamente 4.50 m de diámetro máximo (E-O), 3.50 m, de diámetro mínimo (tomado desde la roca hacia el N), y 0.50 m de altura. En algunos sectores se podían identificarse partes de muros curvos, no muy bien definidos.

Del área de los recintos se depriende una línea de piedras que llegaba hasta el sector donde se hallaba el montículo, formando a veces un muro doble relleno. Con dificultad se podían observar también otras líneas de piedras, por lo general paralelas, y menos frecuentemente perpendiculares a la pendiente mayor del terreno, algunas de las cuales llegaban hasta la zona donde se levantaba el montículo.

5.3 Unidad 6

5.3.1 Excavación

El área donde se encontraban el montículo y la piedra con petroglifos fue denominada unidad 6, y excavada en dos mitades, separadas por una línea N-S que pasaba por la parte más alta del montículo. De esta forma quedaron enmaracadas dos cuadrículas de 7 x 3.50 m, identificadas como 13 la occidental y 14 la oriental.

La excavación fue realizada aplicando técnicas de decapado, llevándose el registro sobre la base de niveles artificiales, por no haberse podido identificar, en nigún momento, líneas de estratificación.74

La estructura se hallaba alterada por la erosión, y la acción de dos ‘montenegros’ (Bulnesia schickendantzii Hieron, ex Griseb) que hundían profunda y extensamente sus raíces, dificultando las tareas.

Los trabajos efectuados pusieron al descubierto una estructura que por sus características consideramos puede ser considerada ceremonial. (Figuras 5.1 y 5.2).

haber formado parte de tumbas o de construcciones habitacionales, dieron resultado negativo. Los sondeos practicados en estructuras circulares aisladas (Unidad 4), que en número de tres se hallan en el sector, corroboraron las informaciones que nos proporcionó un obrero, en el sentido de que eran viejos corrales de cabra, abandonados hace décadas.

74En los trabajos de excavación colaboraron Horacio Bustos Thames, María Gloria Colaneri, Gabriel Ramón y María Marta Sampietro Vattuone, alumnos de tercer año de la carrera de arqueología de la UNT.

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5.3.2 Descripción de la estructura

La excavación puso al descubierto cuatro elementos estructurales principales: dos grandes bloques cuyas bases estaban hundidas en los sedimentos, y dos círculos imperfectos de paredes de piedra, rellenados de tierra.

Los dos bloques fueron tomados como base para erigír la estructura. Uno de ellos, situado hacia el S, servía como asiento para que arrancase la pared del círculo mayor, describiendo un arco hacia el N. Sobresalía claramente del conjunto debido a que su altura era mayor que la del montículo. El otro bloque, ubicado hacia el N, y separado del anterior por 0.50 a 1.00 m, era más bajo, y se hallaba cubierto casi en su totalidad por las piedras y sedimentos del montículo.

El círculo mayor estaba construído con piedras, a veces ligeramente canteadas, calzadas con otras de menor tamaño, para conformar un lienzo exteriormente bien acabado. La mitad del parímetro del muro se asentaba sobre el bloque del N, formando con él una unidad estructural, en la que la parte externa del muro era una continuación de la pared del bloque sobre la cual se asentaba. Todo el espacio interno del círculo había sido rellenado con tierra y piedras de pequeño tamaño, hasta constituir una plataforma circular de superficie levemente convexa. La tierra utilizada para la construcción debió ser extraída de los alrededores, a juzgar por lo que se desprende del análisis de los fragmentos cerámicos incluidos en el relleno, y de su comparación con las recolecciones de superficie hechas en el terreno circundante (ver “Análisis del material cerámico”).

Las piedras más grandes utilizadas para la construcción del muro eran de color gris, a excepción de cuatro, ubicadas exacatamente al N, que eran de color blanco. Una de ellas se hallaba todavía ocupando su lugar original, y las otras desplazadas por derrumbe.75 Formando parte de él, a 1 m al NO de este lugar se halló una piedra de granito rosado, de 48 cm de largo, de secciones ovaladas, cuya superficie se hallaba perfectamente pulida en una de sus caras.

El círculo menor tenía 1.50 m de diámetro, y se asentaba en su totalidad sobre el bloque y la plataforma que constituían el círculo mayor. Estaba hecho con piedras de mediano tamaño, calzadas con otras más pequeñas, y se hallaba completamente destruído hacia el E, donde asomaba en partes la superficie del bloque. Al SO del muro, bajo una de las piedras más superficiales del mismo, se halló un adorno de metal (cobre?) realizado mediante el enrollamiento de un alambre de sección cuadrada, de 1 mm de espesor, que forma dos volutas de 8 mm de diámetro, unidas sin solución de continuidad mediante una curva.

El interior del círculo se hallaba relleno de la misma manera en que fuera rellenado en círculo mayor, formando un segundo piso de plataforma general que ambos integraban.76

Una piedra de 50 cm de largo yacía, inclinada, desde el círculo menor hasta tocar la superficie del mayor (Figura 5.2, corte G-H). Es probable que originalmente estuviese parada, integrando parte de la estructura del sector N del círculo menor.

Al extraer el relleno de la plataforma, aparecieron sobre el bloque dos hoyos de mortero de 20 cm de diámetro y 10 cm de profundidad, uno de ellos con una mano cilíndrica de piedra, y dos “morteros” u hoyuelos menores (Figura 5.1).

75En la figura 5.1 la piedra blanca se ha diferenciado de las restantes mediante un rayado de líneas

paraleleas. 76El círculo menor parece haber tenido, encima de él, otro de menor tamaño; esto no pudo determinarse

con seguridad, debido a que las piedras que ocupaban la parte superior de la plataforma se hallaban muy perturbadas por la erosión.

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Junto al ángulo SE del bloque del N se halló una urna, a la que le faltaba la parte superior del cuello, como consecuencia de la erosión y la acción de las raíces de uno de los “montenegros” que se hallaba ubicado en las proximidades de esa zona. La base de la urna se hallaba calzada con piedras.

Mezclados con el relleno se encontraron, en algunos sectores, huesos de animales, restos de ramas carbonizadas y espículos de carbón.

5.3.3 Descripción del entierro

A pesar de hallarse incompleta, la urna a la que hicimos referencia (Figura 5.3) puede ubicarse dentro del conjunto que ha sido descripto como correspondiente a la fase IV de la tradición Santa María.77

En las proximidades del sector correspondiente a la parte superior de lo que se conserva del cuello de la urna se hallaron restos de huesos de un niño, algunas cuentas de collar y un fragmento cordiforme de yeso fibroso, que deben haberse desplazado de su posición original debido a la acción de los mismos agentes naturales que eliminaron la parte superior de la urna.

En el interior de la parte conservada de la urna se hallaron: gran parte de los restantes huesos del niño, más cuentas de collar, huesos aislados de animales, y algunas semillas y frutos carbonizados.

El análisis de los restos humanos ha permitido determinar que la edad del niño inhumado era de aproximadamente 5 años.78

Las cuentas de collar recuperadas incluyen: 11 cuentas discoidales planas de malaquita, de 6 a 9 mm de diámtero y de 2 a 4 mm

de espesor. 1 cuenta discoidal plana de malaquita de 14 mm de diámetro y 7 mm de espesor. 1 cuenta trapezoidal de azurita, de 13 mm de largo, 7 mm de ancho máximo y 4 mm

de espesor máximo. 2 cuentas cilíndricas de hueso de 12 mm de largo y 8 mm de diámetro. 1 cuenta discoidal plana de hueso, de 10 mm de diámetro y 4 mm de espesor. 1 cuenta hecha utilizando la mitad de una cuenta discoidal de hueso de 17 mm de

diámetro y 8 mm de espesor. 2 cuentas alargadas, de sección ovalada, con uno de sus extremos convexo y el otro

aguzado, de cerÉamica alisada de color rojizo, de 26 mm y 30 mm de largo, y 9 mm de diámetro.

77RONALD WEBER, ‘A seriation of the late prehistoric Santa María culture of Northwestern

Argentina’. Fieldiana Anthropology, 68 (1978); ELENA PERROTA & CLARA PODESTA, ‘Contribution to the San José and Santa María cultures, NW Argentina’. Advances in Andean archaeology (ed D L Browman). The Hague 1978, pp 525-551.

78El estudio de los restos óseos fue realizado por Noemí Acreche.

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5.3.4 Petroglifos

Los petroglifos hallados no han sido descriptos, según se desprende del registro realizado por Renard de Croquet.79 Se hallan muy destruídos por la erosión, que debe haber borrado muchos motivos, algunos de los cuales apenas se alcanzan a percibir.

La mayor parte de los petroglifos se ubican en la pared meridional de la roca, y consisten en surcos alargados que dibujan líneas curvas que a veces se unen entre sí, dos de las cuales al menos, rematan en hoyuelos circulares, no visibles en la Figura 5.1. La cara superior de la roca posee también un petroglifo abstracto de líneas curvas, cuatro hoyuelos superficiales de 4 a 8 cm de diámetro, y varios pequeños hoyuelos a veces apenas marcados, de aproximadamente 2 a 4 cm de diámetro.

5.3.5 Análisis del material cerámico

Se analizaron los fragmentos de cerámica recuperados en el relleno de la plataforma, y la recolección de superficie no discriminada realizada en el terreno próximo a la estructura referida.

Se distinguieron fragmentos no decorados y los decorados, y dentro de éstos los que puedan identificarse como Santamaría bicolor y tricolor, y otros tipos del período de Desarollos regionales, y los que pueden ser considerados como Aguada y Formativos. Aproximadamente el 90 % de la muestra está compuesto por fragmentos no decorados y Santa María bicolor, discriminados de la siguiente forma: Relleno de plataforma Recolección superficial No decorados 712 70.08 % 145 70.05 % Santa María Bicolor 202 19.88 % 41 19.81 % Santa María Tricolor 3 0,29% - - Negro sobre rojo o natural 34 3.35 % 11 5.31 % Famabalasto negro inciso 6 0.59 % - - Aguada grabado y pintado 3 0.30 % - - Incisos formativos 7 0.69 % - - Pintada monocroma roja 6 0.59 % 41.93 % Pulidos atmósfera reductora 21 2.07 % 2 0.97 % Pulidos atmósfera oxidante 10 0.98% 3 1.45 % Varios 12 1.18 % 1 0.48 %

Total 1016 100.00 % 207 100.00 %

No se hallaron fragmentos, u otros elementos, que pudieran ser indicadores del período Hispano-Indígena.

79SUSANA F RENARD DE CROQUET, Sitios arqueológicos con arte rupestre de la República

Argentina. Buenos Aires 1988.

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5.5 Interpretación de los hallazgos

Para aproximarnos al estudio funcional de la Unidad 6 contamos con dos conjuntos de restos relacionados entre sí. Uno está constituído por la plataforma de dos (o tres) círculos de paredes de piedra rellenos con tierra y los dos bloques de piedra con morteros, hoyuelos y petroglifos, que constituye la estructura arquitectónica. El otro, es el que integran la urna con los restos de un niño, las cuentas de collar y restos de huesos y semillas, y que conforma el entierro.

Al estar ambos indudablemente relacionados desde el punto de vista de su asociación, no cabe duda que la estructura ha sido construída en función del niño enterrado, o el entierro ha sido realizado en función de la estructura. En el primer caso, funcionalmente la estructura sería una tumba construída en función del niño. En el segundo caso, el niño habría sido inhumado en función de una estructura que podemos considerar ha tenido valor religioso o ceremonial, debido a que su forma y composición hacen deshechar la idea de que hubiese servido a fines utilitarios.

El entierro del niño puede interpretarse así como un sacrificio efectuado en función de un rito.

Es muy probable que el entierro, por lo tanto, sea contemporáneo con la construcción, y como dijimos anteriormente, este suceso debe haber ocurrido muy probablemente durante el período Imperial (entre 1480 y 1536), y con seguridad, pertenece a la tradición Santamariana. Lo que ignoramos es hasta cuando pudo estar en uso la estructura ceremonial. Como lo hemos señalado, no hemos encontrado elementos correspondiente al período Hispano-Indígena, pero debemos tener en cuenta que el material de relleno con que fue construída la plataforma nos está marcando, cronológicamente, un terminus ante quem.

Las cuentas de collar que hemos descripto anteriormente, sin duda no representan el ajuar completo, ya que muchas pueden haber desaparecido de la misma forma en que desaparecieron la parte superior de la urna y gran parte de los huesos del cráneo del niño. Sin embargo, la gran variedad de cuentas nos está indicando, sin dudas, que el collar, o más probablemente los collares, sean indicador de ajuar cuidadosamente elaborado.

Los únicos restos de semillas hallados en la Unidad 6 se encontraror dentro de la urna, y deben interpretarse también como elementos constitutivos del ajuar, al igual que los huesos de animales hallados dentro.80

La utilización de piedras de diferente color para construir la plataforma no es casual, sino que obedece claramente a una intención que tiene más significado simbólico que arquitectónico. Las piedras blancas grandes están marcando claramente el N; la razón de ello se nos escapa, pero no por ello debemos dejar de señalarlo a nivel de registro.

Los morteros, los hoyuelos y los petroglifos, deben haber desempeñado tembien un papel directamente relacionado con las prácticas ceremoniales realizadas en la plataforma. La mano dejada en un mortero, y luego tapada con sedimentos para la construcción del primer piso, pudo haber sido, junto con el niño, parte de un mismo acto de sacrificatorio.

80Los restos vegetales y animales hallados en la Unidad 6 están siendo estudiados para su

identificación. Por eso, las inferencias que de ellos podemos derivar se hallan limitadas, especialmente en lo que respecta a los huesos de animales hallados en el relleno de la plataforma; su identificación, y su distribución dentro de la estructura tal véz nos permitan definír si pueden o no ser interpretados como restos de sacrificios de animales.

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Los hoyuelos que se localizan en la parte superior de la roca con petroglifos no pueden haber sido hechos en función de una actividad de molienda práctica. Salvo cuatro de ellos, de no más de 1 cm de profundidad y de 4 a 8 cm de ciámetro (que podrían haber sido utilizados para moler sustancias especiales en función ceremonial), los otros, más puequeños y abundantes, carecen de posibilidad de interpretación como “morteros”.

Respecto a los petroglifos debemos señalar que no se encuentran aquí elementos figurativos que pueden ser identificados.

5.5 Las estructuras ceremoniales en el noroeste argentino

En el NO argentino encontramos desde el Formativo estructuras que pueden ser consideradas ceremoniales, lo que nos permite realizar una rápida síntesis de las características principales que podemos observar a lo largo del tiempo.

En la cultura Alamito-Condorhuasi la organización del culto está dada a nivel de cada aldea; el área ceremonial, en cada sitio, está compuesta por dos plataformas rectangulares de paredes de piedra y un montículo-basurero-ceremonial.81 En la cultura Tafí, se localizó y excavó un gran montículo en la zona de El Mollar, que debe haber desempeñado funciones ceremoniales; no obstante, el registro de menhires dentro de círculos de piedra, localizados en varios sitios Tafí en los valles de Tafí y la Ciénaga y en la Quebrada del Portugués82 que suman más de un centenar, apuntan también aquí a un nivel de culto no centralizado.83

En el período de Integración regional existe una modificación importante a este respecto. En el valle de Ambato la organización religiosa parece estar centrada en relación con dos plataformas, una en la Rinconada y otra en Iglesia de los Indios, lo que está indicando una modificación significativa a nivel de la estructura social y religiosa de Aguada en esa zona. Las plataformas de las que hacemos referencia, están construídas por niveles superpuestos en los que se utilizan paredes de piedra y relleno de tierra; como sucede en Alamito-Condorhuasi, las paredes son rectas.

En otra zonas del NO Argentino, en cambio, tal como sucede en el Valle de Vinchina, en la provincia de La Rioja, y en La Angostura, en la provincia de Salta, las estructuras ceremoniales son plataformas circulares sobre las cuales se construyeron figuras utilizando piedras grises, blancas y rojas.

En La Rioja las figuras son una estrella, inscripta en dos círculos,84 y en La Angostura, una “especie de ‘cruz’ asimétrica”.85

Podemos observar que, desde el Formativo, los elementos constitutivos desde el punto de vista arquitectónico son los montículos y las paredes de piedra rellenas de

81VICTOR A NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘The Alamito culture of Northwestern Argentina’. American

Antiquity, 35 (1970), pp 133-140. 82Ver VICTOR A NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO & MARTA TARTUSI, ‘Orígenes de la ocupación del espacio’.

Capítulo 2 en este informe. 83En el “Parque de los Menhires”, en El Mollar, se han reunido 114 menhires procedentes del valle de

Tafí. 84NICOLÁS R DE LA FUENTE, ‘Informe arquelógico sobre el Valle de Vinchina, Prov de La Rioja’.

Revista del instituto de antropología, 4, (Córdoba 1973), pp 95-127. 85RODOLFO A RAFFINO et al, ‘La expansión septentrional de la cultura La Aguada en el NO

argentino’. Cuadernos del instituto nacional de antropología, 9 (Buenos Aires 1982), pp 7-35, p 11.

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tierra. Más tarde, en el período de Integración regional, se incorpora la superposición de niveles de distintos tamaños integrando las plataformas. Desde el punto de vista de lo que podríamos considerar un nivel simbólico, se da la utilización premeditada de piedras de diferentes colores.

Los sacrificios humanos en asociaciones con el área ceremonial es bien clara en Alamito-Condorhuasi. En el Campo del Pucará se han hallado entierros de niños en asociación con plataformas. En uno de los sitios de esa zona se registró el entierro del esqueleto de un adulto al cual le faltaba toda la parte superior del cuerpo a partir de la tercera vértebra lumbar; en lo que denominamos montículo-basurero-ceremonial de este sitio se hallaron los restos correspondientes a la parte superior del cuerpo de dos adultos. En Aguada la práctica de los sacrificios es bien conocida a través de la frecuente representación de la imagen del “sacrificador” y cráneos-trofeo.

Esta línea de desarollo a nivel de creencia en la que los montículos, las plataformas y los sacrificios se hallan relacionados, se va a continuar en el NO argentino hasta perdurar, a nivel folklórico, hasta nuestro dias.

Las “apachetas”, o montículos de piedra que se encuentran desde el Peru hasta el NO argentino indicando caminos, han sido formados por los indígenas a lo largo del tiempo. En ellas los viajeros depositan nuevas piedras que hacen crecer el montículo, y se hacen ofrendas de distinto tipo: coca o maíz mascado, vino, plantando una estaca de madera con un trozo de tela roja donde se fijan algunas plumas, o cruces de madera envueltas en lana roja.86 Este tipo de ofrendas está relacionada con la “Pacha-Mama” (Madre Tierra), y es una supervivencia de sacrificios realizados en épocas prehispánicas.

Otra constumbre vinculada con montículos de piedra es la ceremonia de la marca de ganado en la Puna argentina y boliviana. En el montículo se realizan ofrendas de chicha, hoja de coca y adornos de lana roja, en función de que los animales se multipliquen.

En el ya citado trabajo de González encontramos mencionadas las fuentes documentales fundamentales para el tratamiento del tema, en relación con los pueblos prehispánicos del NO argentino.

Los documentos confirman la existencia de “casas de ídolos” o “mochaderos”, y “(...) uno de los detalles en que todas las evidencias coinciden, es en la sencillez del culto y la religión, manifiesta en el uso, tantas veces repetido de las ‘varillas y plumas’ (...)”,87 que como vimos, perdura de algunamanera hasta nuestros días.

La función de los “mochaderos” o templos, y los elementos con ellos relacionados, es la de propiciar la fertilidad de las sementeras y de los animales.

Sobre la base de las fuentes que analiza, dice González que “Otra conclusión importante es la falta de sacerdocio organizado como grupo o clase social. Las prácticas religiosas estuvieron, entonces, en manos de shamanes, quienes actuaban como típicos intermediarios entre la deidad y el pueblo. Señalamos dos casos de estas intervenciones, uno en caso de peste colectiva y otra de invocación de buenas sementeras”.88

Respecto a la forma de los “mochaderos” se deduciría, de una cita de Lozano, que los“(...) incipientes templos tendrían forma circular”.89

86ERIC BOMAN, Antiquités de la région andine de la ®épublique Argentine et du désert d'Atacama.

Paris 1908. 87ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, ‘Nota sobre religion y culto en el Noroesta argentino prehispánico. A

propósito de unas figuras antropomorfas del Museo de Berlin’. Bæssler-Archiv, Neue Folge, 31 (1983), pp 219-282.

88ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, op cit, p 243. 89PEDRO LOZANO, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Paraguay: escrita por el P.

Pedro Lozano de la misma Compañía, I. Madrid 1754, p 425 citado en ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, op cit, p 237.

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La estructura ceremonial hallada en la Unidad 6 de El Pichao confirma la suposición de González y la descripción de Lozano.

En la bibliografía arqueológica existen referencias de estructuras que no podemos dejar de mencionar, por su aparente vinculación funcional con la que hemos descripto como Unidad 6.

De su viaje en el valle de Hualfín, Bruch relata que antes de cruzar la terraza frente al Cerro Colorado, halló una sepultura compuesta por “(...) tres círculos formados de piedra de regular tamaño. El mayor medía exteriormente 5 m, el segundo 3 m y el interno 2 m; este último no está del todo separado del segundo”.90 En el círculo exterior halló tres esqueletos, a uno de los cuales le faltaba el cráneo, que apareció fuera del lugar del entierro, entre el círculo externo y el segundo círculo, acompañado por dos vasijas, posiblemente del período Imperial.

Ambrosetti describe lo que llama “morteros públicos”, que son dos círculos de piedra, uno circular de 2 m de diámetro con un mortero en su centro y otro, de pared ovalada, de 3.60 x 2.70 m, con cuatro morteros en su interior “(...) no es dificil hallan tenido un objeto especial, un ritual religioso por ejemplo, donde se moliese al maíz o la quinoa para fabricar ciertos panes, ya fuera para los sacerdotes, ya para las ofrendas o para algunas ceremonias (...). Algo de ésto, un resto de atavismo, existe en esos lugares; por ejemplo, en algunos puntos, las mujeres acostumbran ir a ciertos morteros de esos que hay cerca de los ríos; en las grandes piedras, a moler su maíz, y sé de buena fuente que hacen su invocación a la Pacha-Mama (...)”.91

Es indudable que tanto la información etnohistórica como folklórica puede servir para aproximarnos a una mejor comprensión de los períodos más recientes de la arquelogía del NO argentino. Sin embargo, las pruebas tienen que sustentarse en un trabajo arquelógico sistemático. A este respecto queremos señalar que datos como los que apuntamos anteriormente, surgidos de trabajos realizados con anterioridad por los pioneros de la arquelogía pueden aún hoy aportar infomaciones válidas. Incluso algunas de sus conclusiones, a veces demasiado endebles e intuitivas, pueden ser tomadas en cuenta, no como verdades comprobadas, sino como hipótesis a contrastar, como la de Quiroga, que los hoyuelos que se encuentran asociados a varios petroglifos pueden haber servido “(...) para ser llenados de agua, que se evaporará con el sol, demandándose de este modo, por simpatía la lluvia que necesitan los campos o los andenes”.92

Obras citadas

AMBROSETTI, JUAN B, ‘La antigua ciudad de Quilmes (Valle Calchaquí)’. Boletín del instituto geográfico argentino, 18. (Buenos Aires 1897), pp 33-70.

BOMAN, ERIC, Antiquités de la région andine de la République Argentine et du désert d'Atacama. Paris 1908.

90CARLOS BRUCH, ‘Descripción de algunos sepulcros Calchaquíes. Resultados de las excavaciones

efectuadas en Hualfín (Pcia de Catamarca)’. Revista del Museo de La Plata, 11 (La Plata 1904), pp 11-27, p 25.

91JUAN B AMBROSETTI, op cit, p 14. 92ADÁN QUIROGA, Petrografías y Pictografías de Calchaquí. Universidad nacional de Tucumán.

Buenos Aires 1931.

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BRUCH, CARLOS, ‘Descripción de algunos sepulcros Calchaquíes. Resultados de las excavaciones efectuadas en Hualfín (Pcia de Catamarca)’. Revista del Museo de La Plata, 11 (La Plata 1904), pp 11-27.

DE LA FUENTE, NICOLÁS R, ‘Informe arquelógico sobre el Valle de Vinchina, Prov de La Rioja’. Revista del instituto de antropología, 4, (Córdoba 1973), pp 95-127.

GONZÁLEZ, ALBERTO REX, ‘Nota sobre religión y culto en el Noroeste argentino prehispánico. A propósito de unas figuras antropomorfas del Museo de Berlin’. Bæssler-Archiv, Neue Folge, 31 (1983), pp 219-282.

LOZANO, PEDRO, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Paraguay: escrita por el P. Pedro Lozano de la misma Compañía, I. Madrid 1754.

NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR A, ‘The Alamito culture of Northwestern Argentina’. American Antiquity, 35 (1970), pp 133-140.

PERROTA, ELENA & CLARA PODESTA, ‘Contribution to the San José and Santa María cultures, NW Argentina’. Advances in Andean archaeology (ed D L Browman). The Hague 1978, pp 525-551.

QUIROGA, ADÁN, ‘Antgüedades calchaquíes. La colección Zavaleta’. Boletín del Instituto geográfico argentino, 17 (Buenos Aires 1896), pp 177-213.

QUIROGA, ADÁN, Petrografías y Pictografías de Calchaquí. Universidad nacional de Tucumán. Buenos Aires 1931.

RAFFINO, RODOLFO A et al, ‘La expansión septentrional de la cultura La Aguada en el NO argentino’. Cuadernos del Instituto nacional de antropología, 9 (Buenos Aires 1982), pp 7-35.

RENARD DE CROQUET, SUSANA F, Sitios arqueológicos con arte rupestre de la República Argentina. Buenos Aires 1988.

WEBER, RONALD, ‘A seriation of the late prehistoric Santa María culture of Northwestern Argentina’. Fieldiana Anthropology, 68 (2),

(1978).

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6. The excavation of the gravematerial

Nils Johansson, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

The excavations during spring 1990 are to be considered as an extended test excavation. The aims were primarily to localize more grave structures within sector XI, but also to map and make a documentation of looted structures in sector IX. For a description of these sectors, the author refers to descriptions already made in last years report, El Pichao 1989.

At first a system of test trenches were laid out in different parts of sector XI. These trenches will be referred to as Tr 5 - 10. The word trench is here used in a very wide meaning including both ordinary test trenches and grave structures. If a grave structure was encountered within the test-trench, it was given a new trench number. As an example the natural structure encountered in Tr 5 was given the number Tr 8, the grave structure found in Tr 7 was numbered Tr 11 etc. There is however no risk of confusion between grave structures and test trenches since each new structure encountered was given a new number.

The test-trenches were excavated in artificial layers of 0,2 m, and the artefact material was collected within each layer. The vertical section in these trenches were only documented in a few cases, but a photo was always taken of the trench after excavation. The aim of these test trenches were primarily to localize individual tombs, but also got get a clearer picture of the distribution of graves within the sector. The trenches were generally laid out close to expected tombs based on a survey and mapping of the sector in 1989.93 As indicators of tombs were chosen upright standing stones, but also looting holes made mainly to localize Santa Maria urns by local grave looters. As will be discussed in a later part, the only "safe" indicator of tombs were earlier lootings. Trench 5 -10 were test trenches, trench 11-15 were grave structures. During the field work in 1990 two of these structures were excavated: Tr12 and Tr 13.

6.1 Trenches 5-10

Trench 5 (Test trench)

93 During 1989 a survey and a mapping of the sector was made. At the same time, possible tomb

structures were marked out on the map. Upright standing stones were chosen as a basic indicator of a tomb structure.

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Trench 5 was laid out in the lower eastern part of sector XI,94 close to the expected tombs 18 and 22 (Figure 6.1). These were marked by upright standing stones in the surface. The dimensions were 3 x 0,7 m (NE-SW). The trench was excavated in levels of 0,2 m, referred to as level 1, level 2, etc.

A very little ceramic material was encountered within the trench. In all three levels, only 5 ceramic sherds were found. Of these 4 were of type red ware white or cream slipped with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor). The sediment within the trench was sandy, with rocks of small size. In the lower levels sedimentary stones were found, together with a large quantity of roots. A large block was found close to the border of the trench. Therefore the trench was opened in the North direction.

Trench 5A ( Test trench)

The reason for opening tr 5A was to make a closer inspection on the blocks encountered in tr 5, that possibly could be part of a grave structure. The trench was 2 m long, 0,7 m wide (NE-SW). The artefact material was as scarce as in tr 5, with only 2 tosca fragments encountered. The sediment was similar to the one in tr 5. In level 3 (0,4 - 0,6 m) a laying stone block was found. To get a closer look at the stone structure, trench 5B was opened.

Trench 5B ( Test trench)

Trench 5B was situated south of tr 5, and was 2 m long, 0,7 m wide. The trench was excavated until approximately level 3 (0,6 m). The artefact material was as scarce as in tr 5, only 2 unspecified ceramic sherds were found. A structure of stone blocks was found which covered parts of trench 5, 5A and 5B. This structure was called Tr 8. A more brownish, sandy sediment was surrounding Tr 8. After excavation the structure was classified as natural.

Trench 6 (Test trench) (Figure 6.2)

The trench was located In the lower eastern part of sector XI in an east west slope 95 and was referred to as "tomb 12" during a survey of possible graves during 1989. The trench was 3 m long, 0,7 m wide (N-S). An upright standing stone was located in the southern part of the trench.96 Very little material was found within the trench, in the southern part a concentration of stones and a few ceramic sherds were encountered. The ceramic material was mainly red ware white or cream slipped with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor). In level 3 (0,4-0,6m) a whiter, sandier sediment was encountered within the northern part of the trench. Because of the compactation of stones in the southern part of the sector the trench was opened up in this direction.

Trench 6A (Test trench) (Figure 6.2)

The trench was 1m long, 0,7 m wide, and located directly south of Tr 6. Only 4 unidentified ceramic sherds were encountered within the trench. The concentration of stones located in both Tr 6 and 6A was excavated and found to be natural. The whiter

94The sector has a slope in the East - West direction. The western part of sector XI has a larger altitude

than the eastern one.For more information, see last years report El Pichao 1989. 95In this part of sector XI the slope is rather steep. 96This was also the reason for the location of the trench.

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sandier sediment was found at the same level in this trench. The trenches 6 and 6A were documented in the vertical section. There are three distinct layers:

1: Brownish sand with methamorphic rocks 2: More compact brownish sand with methamorphic rocks. 3: A whiter sandy sediment of unknown composition.

Trench 7 (Test trench)

The trench was located approximately 10 m west of trench 1, excavated during 1989. The trench was 3 m long, 0,7 m wide (N-S) and placed between 3 looting holes, marked as possible tombs number 60, 61 and 62 during the survey of the sector in 1989.

It was thought that the looters had only taken the ceramic material, and that the tomb structure was intact as was the case with the tomb excavated in 1989 (Tr4). The ceramic material was more plentiful in Tr 7 than in Tr 5 and Tr 6. A total of 138 sherds were found in the 4 layers excavated. Of these were 121 red ware white or cream slipped with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor). The sediment was lightbrown and sandy, with small and medium sized rocks. This sediment continued until level 4 (0,6-0,8 m). In the same level 2 compactations of clay were found (see picture XX). These compactations had circular impressions, possibly a result of urns. These urns have presumably been taken by grave looters. The urns were located above Tr 15 , but were not placed on the stone chamber grave itself, but above it. Large ceramic sherds were found close to the compactations. The relation between these compactations and Tr 15 is so far unclear. It was decided to open up the trench in the east direction.

Trench 7A (Test trench)

Trench 7A was located directly east of Tr 7. It was 1,5 m long and 1 m wide. The lightbrown and sandy sediment, with small and medium sized rocks was also present in this trench. The amount of ceramics is however somewhat larger. A total of 296 sherds were found, of these 274 were red ware white or cream slipped with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor), 9 fragments of red coarse ware (tosca) and 11 unclassified fragments.97 In level 4 (0,6-0,8 m) a possible grave structure was found. It was therefore decided to open up the trench in the east direction. The grave structure encountered will later be reffered to as Tr 11.

Trench 8 (Natural formation)

Trench 8 was the structure of stone blocks encountered within Tr 5, 5A and 5B. It was exavated and found to be a natural formation.

Trench 9 (Test trench)

Trench 9 was located approximately 10 m west of Tr 6. It was 2 m long and 1 m wide (N-S). The trench was placed on both sides of an upright standing stone.98 The sediment in level 1 and 2 (0-0,4 m) was sandy and brownish, with small and medium sized rocks. In level 3 ( 0,4-0,6 m) the sediment changed colour and texture. It contained particles of a much smaller size,among them muscovite and biotite, and the colour of the

97For a description of the ceramic classification I refer to Susana Sjödin : Chronology and ceramics -

methods. El Pichao 1989 , Eds P Cornell S Sjödin Göteborg 1989 pp 72 - 117. 98Which was considered as one of the indicators of grave structures. The other one was earlier lootings.

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sediment was more white. A single sherd of grey coarse ware (tosca) was encountered. The excavation was continued until a depth of one meter without result. The uprightstanding stone was not an indicator of a tomb.

Trench 10: (Test trench)

Trench 10 was located directly west of Tr 1, excavated during 1989.99 The trench was 3 m long and 1 m wide (N-S). In the N part of Tr 10 an uprightstanding stone was located. The trench had a rather rich ceramic material in all three levels excavated (0-0,6 m). Of a total of 211 sherds 177 were red ware white or cream slip with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor), 16 grey coarse ware (tosca) and 12 red coarse ware (Caspinchango). The distribution of sherds was rather uniform throughout all 3 excavated levels, but the majority of the sherds were encountered in the southern part of the trench.

The sediment was brownish and sandy, with small to medium sized rocks. In the southern part of Tr 10 the sediment was of a somewhat darker colour, possibly depending on bones encountered in this part of the trench. In level 2 and 3 (0.4-0,6 m) human bone material of all kinds100 was encountered . The bone material could be directly associated with a structure of stones in the southern part of the trench. This was also the case for the four glass pearls which were found close to the stone structure. In the middle the structure had a hollow area. The structure was interpreted as a possible tomb structure and will hereafter be referred to as Tr 12. Tr 10 was opened in E , W and S to get a better look at Tr 12.

The uprightstanding stone located in the northern part of Tr 10 was not placed directly close to a grave structure, but was only at a few meters distance from Tr 12. It could perhaps be seen as a general indicator of graves within a small sector.

6.2 Trenches 11-15

Figure 6.3

Trench 11(Tomb structure)

In the eastern part of Trench 7A a structure of stones was found. It was decided to continue the excavation in that direction. As a result of that excavation Trench 11 was located.

Trench 11 is a stone chamber grave with a cantilevered vault. The cist is oval shaped, 2 m long, 1,50 m wide and 0,8 m high. It consists of stones, of a size between 0,3 - 0,8 m. The stones generally have a flat surface and are placed horizontally in direction of the center of the tomb. A drawing of the stone chamber in scale 1:20 was made and the finds outside and above Tr 11 were registred. When necessary the finds were nivellated and collected separately. The grave was not excavated during the campaign of 1990 because of lack of time. It was sealed and covered with earth and will be excavated during 1991.

99During the excavations in 1989, there were possible indications of tomb structures W of trench 1. 100Among them parts of cranium, mandibula and larger bones.

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The finds are generally ceramic sherds, with a few finds of bone, obsidian and glass pearls. No difference in the distribution of artefacts was found between finds located above the grave and outside the grave with the exception that glass pearls and obsidian only was found outside of the stone chamber, and that a concentration of bones was encountered directly east of the grave. The ceramic material is generally of the type red ware white or cream slip with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor). Of a total of 630 sherds 577 were of the type red vare white or cream slipped with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor), 33 sherds of grey coarse ware (tosca) and 3 each of red coarse ware (caspinchango) and Belem.

The concentration of bone material directly east of Tr 11 was interpreted as a possible secondary grave. The compactations of clay with circular impressions encountered in Tr 7 could possibly be connected with Tr 11. There is however a chance that it can be a part of Tr 15 instead, this will be discussed in a later part of the report.

Not much can be said about Tr 11 before it has been excavated. The finds of glass pearls dates it to the spanish contact period (1530 - 1660). It is located very close to the other grave structures, Tr 12 -15 and is probably of the same date as them. It has a probable secondary grave east of the stone chamber consisting of a concentration of bones.

Trench 12 (Tomb structure) (Figure 6.4)

A structure of stones was encountered in the southern part of trench 10. This structure was interpreted as a tomb structure and called Tr 12. The structure was a stone chamber grave with a cantilevered vault. It was oval shaped, 2 m long, 1,8 m wide and 0,9 m high. It consisted of stones 0,3 - 0,8 m large with rather flat surfaces. The stones were placed horizontally and directed towards the center of the tomb. The base was a rectangular cist built up of vertically placed stone blocks. The height from sterile level until the highest placed lock stone was about 1,2 meter. The general impression was that the upper part of the structure was partly destroyed, and that some of the lock stones had fallen into the grave.

The sediment outside the grave was generally brownish sandy, with small to medium sized rocks. When bone material was encountered, the sediment changed colour and got more dark brown. A few finds were encountered outside the grave, among them iron fragments, glass pearls and bone material. The ceramic sherds were generally of the type red ware white or cream slip with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor) with lesser fragments of grey coarse ware (tosca) red coarse ware (Caspinchango) and Belem. NW of the grave 3 whole wessels were found, one puco and 2 vessels, a smaller and a larger, all of red coarse ware. The vessels were placed above each other. They were buried in direct connection with Tr 12, and the author presumes that they can be seen as part of the grave inventory.

Within the grave chamber, a large and diverse artefact material was encountered. Ceramic material was found in all levels within the grave chamber, however whole ceramic vessels and other types of artefacts were only encountered at the bottom of the grave, close to sterile level. The interpretation is that only the artefact material found at the bottom of the grave chamber can be synchronical to the construction of the tomb and that the other artefact material (mainly ceramic sherds of type Santa Maria) is of a somewhat earlier date than the construction of the grave chamber.101 This will however be discussed in a later part of this paper.

101In other words, the grave can not be seen as a closed chronological unit. For a discussion of this I

refer to Nils Johansson: The grave material at El Pichao - Problems and possibilities. El Pichao

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A rather rich ceramic material was encountered within the grave. A total of 274 sherds were encountered within the grave, of these 213 were of the type red ware white or cream slipped with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor).There were 34 sherds of red coarse ware, 4 of grey coarse ware (tosca) and 1 of Belén. 22 sherds remained unclassified. Only one whole wessel was encountered, a small caspinchango vessel located close to sterile level. This is the only ceramic artefact that can be connected with the construction of the grave. The other ceramic material was generally found within higher located levels within the tomb. The sherd material was fragmentary and impossible to refit. It had more the character of a "waste" material than sherds from one or two vessels. 102

The other artefact categories were generally found close to sterile level within the grave chamber. This make them safer chronologically than the ceramic material. The artefacts of iron and glass pearls connect the grave chronologically with the Spanish contact period, 1530 - 1660.103 A total of 11 different artefact categories were encountered, including ceramics as a single category. The bone material at the bottom of the grave was rather "flat", it was thought that this was a result of pressure from infalling lockstones. Parts of crania were encountered both in the south and northern part of Tr 12 ,which might indicate that possibly more than one person was buried within the grave. Glass pearls of four different colours were encountered, white, blue, transparent blue and dark blue. The iron artefacts were rather fragmentary and hard to identify. There were identifiable objects of a knife and a scissor, but a further analysis of the material by x ray will tell us more about the character of the artefacts. Of special interrest was a textile fragment in the eastern part of Tr 12. It was surrounding a metal fragment, possibly a copper derivate. There were also objects in quartz and polished stone.

It is difficult to interpret many of the artefacts without further analyses. This will be developed in another part of the paper.

Trench 13 (Tomb Structure) (Figure 6.5)

To facilitate the excavation of Tr 11 and Tr 12 a transsect was opened between the two tomb structures. As a result Tr 13 was encountered. Tr13 was a stone chamber grave with a cantilevered vault. It was 1,8 m long, 1,4 m wide and 0,8 m high. The construction of Tr 13 was similar to Tr 11 and Tr12. The base was a rectangular stone cist, the upper parts of the stone chamber were oval shaped with almost horizontally placed stones. The stone chamber was closed with horizontally placed stoneblocks, referred to as lock stones.

The general impression was that Tr 13 was of a much more solid construction than the other tomb structures. There were no signs of damages or missing stones, unlike for

1989, eds Per Cornell Susana Sjödin. Gotarc Göteborg 1989 pp 49 - 61. The clue to this phenomena lies in the way of constructing the burial chamber. A hole is excavated in a presumed older gravefield consisting of Santa Maria urns. In it the burial chamber is constructed. The artifacts are laid down at the bottom of the grave, and later covered with sand. This sand contains sherds from the older grave field in the same sector. In that way the material gets chronologically mixed within the same burial. The material close to sterile level is however synchronic to the construction of the tomb.

102An analysis of the ceramic sherd material from Tr 12 was made by Susana Sjödin, I refer to her conclusions in another part of my paper. It was impossible to refit the sherds found within one and the same burial chamber.

103For a discussion of this, I refer to LIDIA BALDINI & MARIA ESTER ALBECK, ‘La prescencia hispánica en algunos cementerios del valle de Santa María, Catamarca’. Presencia hispanica en la arqueologia Argentina Vol 2, Bs As 1984.

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example Tr 12, where the upper part of the stone chamber was partly destroyed. The grave was only partly excavated because of lack of time. The excavation of Tr 13 will continue during 1991.

South of Tr 13, in direct connection with the grave, a human crania was found. However, most of the bones from other parts of the body were not encountered. The interpretation of this is so far uncertain.

So far, very little artefact material has been encountered above, outside and within Tr 13. The distribution of ceramic sherds is similar both outside and within the tomb, with more than 90 % red ware white or cream slip with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor) and just a few percentages of the other ceramic categories.104 A very few conclusions can be made before Tr 13 is excavated completely.105

Of far more interrest was the bone material encountered within Tr 13. A large skeletal material was encountered within the grave. It was excavated by a biologist, Noemi Acreche and a student from the institute in Tucuman Maria Gloria Colaneri. The analysis of the material is not yet finished but a few conclusions can be made.

So far, a skeletal material from more than 13 individuals has been encountered. The individuals were between 15 - 50 years old. Both males and females were encountered.The position of the buried varied. There are two possible explanations for this. One is that they originally were placed in a sitting position alongside the walls of the stone cist,and after some hundred years had changed position106, another one that the bone material was sorted as the result of that the grave chamber had been opened from time to time.107 The crania had signs of artificial deformation of the back of the skull "tabular erecta". There were also indications of oseus neofication.

The bone material was generally very fragile and hard to excavate. In order to stabilize the bone, a mixture of water and carpenters glue was used. The results of this method were not to promising, but unfortunately no other chemical was available in the region. Samples for analysis were taken before the conservation was made, among them samples of bone for C 13 and C 14 analysis.

Trench 14 (grave structure)

Trench 14 is a grave structure encountered during the excavations of Trenches 11, 12 and 13. The tomb is located directly west of Tr 12 and at a higher level than that of Tr 12. This can possibly be explained by the fact that the slope is rather steep at this part of sector XI.

It is not yet fully excavated and therefore only a few facts can be told. The tomb is 1,6 m long and 1,2 m wide. The tomb is a stone chamber grave with a cantilevered vault. The stone chamber is however heavily damaged and some blocks from Tr 14 have fallen down on Tr 12. A fallen down stoneblock from Tr 14 has probably pushed down one of the blocks in the rectangular stone cist of Tr 12 (see plate XX).108 The first

104This might be an indication of that the grave after burial was refilled with sand containg ceramic

sherds from an earlier grave field in sector XI. The percentages of ceramic types could in that way be similar outside and within the grave chamber.

105A study of Santa Maria pottery from Tr 13 was done by Susana Sjödin. The porosity of the pottery found in Tr 13 sector XI was different from that found in Unit 1 sector III.

106Victor Nuñez Regueiro, personal communication. 107Karl Göran Sjögren, Gothenburg University (pers. comm.) got the impression of a sorted skeletal

material while looking at my drawings of Tr 13. 108Gloria Esteban, personal communication.

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interpretation was that Tr 12 was built around a part of Tr 14.109 The movement of the stoneblock is however hard to explain without assuming that it originally leaned on Tr 12 or that it has been moved by outer force.

Trench 15 (grave structure)

Trench 15 was encountered while excavating Tr 11. The structure can so far be seen only in the vertical section. Tr 15 seems to be a structure of the same type as Tr 11 - 14, that is a stone chamber grave with a cantilevered vault. The tomb is 1,7 m long and consists of stones of a size between 0,2 - 0,4 m, but so far nothing can be said about width and height of the structure. Tr 15 is located at a significantly lower level than Tr 11, this makes it an interresting object for next season of excavations.110 An important question is if there are any temporal difference between the two structures. Directly above Tr 15, but not above it, 2 circular impressions were encountered. It was assumed that these were impressions of urns, which had been collected by grave looters. Since they were not found directly above Tr 15, they might be of a somewhat earlier date than the grave structure.

6.3 Specific studies of artefact categories within the tombs

As mentioned before, the tomb material has the largest number of artefact categories of all materials encountered at the site of El Pichao. In this section some results will be presented:

6.3.1 Ceramics

Generally, only a few ceramic types occur within the tomb material, among them red ware white or cream slip with a black or black and red painted decoration. (Santa Maria bicolor and tricolor) and red and grey coarse ware (Caspinchango and tosca). There is a much larger variety of ceramic material within a household context.111 Red ware white or cream slip (Santa maria) is encountered both in the burial and the household context.

A sample was taken from the upper levels (far from sterile level) of Tr 13 and a comparison was made with the material from Unit 1, sector IV. The sherd material from the tomb consists generally of red ware white or cream slip and the comparison concerns only this material. Firstly, the general impression is that the sherds do not fit together, or in other words, they are not from one vessel, but from far more vessels than would be reasonable in a single tomb structure.112 This leads us to conclude that the 109This was the case with Tr 14, which construction was leaning upon Tr 13. In that way it was verified

that Tr 13 was constructed before Tr 14. 110There is no slope between Tr 11 and Tr 15 that might give a natural explanation for the difference in

altitude between the two tomb structures. 111See for example Per Cornell: Unit 1 as a household and the 1990 excavations in structure 3 El

Pichao 1990 Göteborg 112Susana Sjödin, personal communication.

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vessels from which they originated was not originally deposited within the tomb. They can instead be looked upon as a filling material, that was incorporated to Tr 13 directly after the deposition of the dead. Another indication for this is the distribution of the different artefact types within the graves. Whole ceramic vessels and non ceramic artefacts are generally found close to sterile level (se plate XX), wheras ceramic sherds of red ware white or cream slip is generally found far from sterile level within the tomb. The possibility of a temporal variability within the grave clearly has to be considered.

During analysis, a diffence in technology was encountered between red ware white or cream slip (Santa Maria ) collected in Tr 13, sector XI and the one collected in Unit 1, sector III.113 The material from Tr 13, sector XI had a much lesser porosity. The material contained non plastic inclusions and the impression was that it had not been as prepared114 before burning as had been the material from Unit 1, sector III. The conclusion is that the ceramic material from Unit 1 was produced possibly for storage, wheras the ceramic material encountered in Tr 13 only was produced for a burial context. This difference could not have been encountered with a traditional analysis of decoration, since the two samples are similar in that respect.

6.3.2 Bone material

So far only a part of the bone material has been analyzed. The analyzed material comes mainly from Tr 13, sector XI. The analysis has been done by Noemi Acreche from the National museum of Salta and Maria Gloria Colaneri from the archaeological institute in Tucuman.

The bone material from the 3 tombs so far excavated (Tr 4 in 89, Tr 12 and 13 in 90) seem to indicate that generally more than one person was buried within the tomb. In one case (tr 13) bone material from 14 individuals is encountered. Of these 10 were adults and 4 subadults. There is an impression of a sorting of the bone material, which might indicate that the tomb structure was opened from time to time. A clear indication of this is that from a total of 13 individuals, only 8 crania were encountered. In Tr 13 the individuals were between 15 - 50 years of age at death. The sex determination could only be based on the cranial material, but seems to be even between sexes.115

During fieldwork it was possible to observe an artificial deformation (tabular Erecta) of the backhead on some individuals and traces of oseous neoformation, as for example the vertebral column of one individual transformed into one single piece. The total number of individuals encountered during the excavations of 1990 can be estimated to 20. This number is achieved by calculating the minimum number of individuals based on the skeletal material. Outside of Tr 11 rests of 2 individuals were encountered, within and outside of Tr 12, 4 individuals, 2 young, an adult an a child, in Tr 13, 10 adults and 4 subadults. In a trench outside of Tr 12 called Tr 10 rests of 3 individuals were encountered, one child, one juvenile and one adult. These rests, however can be associated with Tr 12, and is therefore only counted as one individual.

The preservation of the bones is generally very bad, which makes conservation of this material an acute problem. However, samples for analysis for C-14 and C-13 has to

113For a more thorough discussion I refer to Susana Sjödin in another part of this report. 114The conclusion was that antiplastics had not been added to the ceramics before burning. 115For a further development on this, I refer to N Acreche, MG Colaneri and YMV Albeza, Human

skeletal remains from El Pichao 1990, this report.

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be taken before conservation is made, which poses a difficult elective situation during field work.

6.3.3 Textiles

A first study of the textile material has been made by Marta Ortiz Malmierca, University of Stockholm. The study was based on textiles from Tr 3 and 4 ( excavated during 1989) and Tr 12 excavated during 1990.116 The sample is very small but still a few conclusions can be made.117

The samples are all of lama wool, and they are all produced with the same weaving technique. (tuskaft ) They are generally of a rather small size, 1 - 5 cm wide. The only difference encountered so far is between textiles encountered within tomb structures (Tr4, Tr12) and outside (Tr 3). The textiles encountered within the tombs are of thin fibres, 0,15 - 0,5 mm wide, where as the textiles encountered within Tr 3 are more thick. The textiles encountered within the tombs are also woven in a more "compact" manner, and has more threads per square cm than the material encountered outside of the tomb.

The two qualities of textiles are without further investigations difficult to interpret. It might hypothetically be assumed that the difference stems from 2 different types of usage, but this remains to be proven.

6.3.4 Metal

Samples of metal has been collected for further analysis. The sample consists of fragments of copper and iron which many times are very hard to identify. No analysis has been made so far with the exception of a simple photographic documentation of the different fragments. 118

The iron fragments will be x- rayed, the copper fragments will be analyzed with the pixe method in order to find out the percentages of different metals in the alloy. The only identifiable artefacts so far are fragments of a scissor and a knife in iron, and a "pincett" and "skrinbeslag" in copper. The study of the metal fragments will be an important tool for understanding the social structure in the grave material, and possibly to make a comparison with the house structures.

6.3.5 Macrofossil

Samples for macrofossil were taken during the excavations.119 The analysis is not yet finished, so far only samples from the 1989 excavation has been looked upon.120 The 116Tr 3 was a test trench, located outside of Tr 4 a grave structure. Tr 12 was a grave structure

excavated during 1990. 117For a more thorough description of the sample I refer to Marta Ortiz Malmierca and her paper in this

report. 118This has been done by Maria Rosario Vazquez, University of Stockholm. 119For a further development of the subject, see Sven Ahlgrens paper in this report.

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most interresting result so far seems to be small fragments of bone encountered within a puco in Tr 4. Such a quantity of bone fragments is encountered in no other macrofossil sample so far.

The authors interpretation is that the fragments come from the filling material, and not from the material deposited within the grave. It could be a fragmented bone material from the earlier grave field consisting of Santa Maria urns. This remains however to be proven.

6.4 Discussion

So far, a few conclusions can be made about the grave material in sector XI. The graves are located in the W part of sector XI, and in no other parts of the sector. They are dated 1530 - 1660. They are of the same construction. They are collective tombs. They are built on a earlier gravefield. They are not chronologically closed units. They have the richest artefact material of all at the site of El Pichao They contain ceramics especially made for a burial context

6.4.1 Location

The system of test trenches (trench 5 - 10) clearly show that the graves are only located in a limited part of sector XI. So far no indication of graves has been found outside the w part of sector XI. The graves are built very close to each other, sometimes one uses the other one as a fundament. In that way it is possible to get a relative chronology between individual graves.

Sometimes there are differences in heights between grave structures. In some cases (for example between Tr 12 and Tr 13) this can be explained by a natural slope in the sector, In other cases (Tr 11 and Tr 15) such an explanation is not valid. Further excavations will show if this difference has any chronological significance.

6.4.2 Dating

Samples for TL dating were taken and are at the moment at the Risö laboratory in Denmark. In spite of these datings the graves are preliminary referred to the spanish contact period 1530 - 1660 AD. This is done mainly on the presence of glass pearls and objects in iron, which are generally referred to as spanish import objects. The spanish contact period, a period of change between a new and old poses many interresting questions. What was the relationship between the natives and the spanish ? How were

120Including three samples from Tr 3 and one from tr 4.

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the spanish imports valued ? What does it mean that you find them in a grave material ? These questions will be dealt with in a later part of the report.

6.4.3 Construction

The graves encountered so far are all of the same construction. The base is a rectangular stone cist with vertically placed stone blocks. Over it a circular or oval shaped stone structure is built. The angle of the stone blocks within the circle, gradually changes from almost vertical to horizontal. At the top the stone cist has a false vault, or to put it more correctly, a cantilevered vault.

The graves are generally placed approximately 0,5 mts beneath the soil and are seldom marked above ground. It was generally believed that uprightstanding stones were an indicator of graves. A system of test trenches were therefore systematically placed at uprightstanding stones but no correspondence between these and grave structures could be found. The difference between the graves in sector XI and others mentioned in the literature from the same time period lies mainly in the rectangular stone cist. The other grave constructions from the contact period has a circular shaped stone cist at the bottom. 121

6.4.4 Collective tombs

The graves so encountered are all collective tombs, with more than one person buried. Indications for this are for examle skull fragments located at opposite parts of the funeral chamber.122 It is still unclear if all persons were buried at the same time, or if the graves has been opened from time to time. It seems however unreasonable that as many as 14 persons has been buried at the same time, which was the case in Tr 13.

Sometimes burials above (Tr 12) and outside (Tr 13) the tomb is encountered. It is assumed that they are similar chronologically to the stone chamber graves.

6.4.5 Earlier grave field

There are some indications of that the stone chambers were constructed in an earlier grave field. The only whole vessels encountered within the grave are of red coarse ware (Caspinchango) wheras there is a large sherd material of red ware white or cream slipped with a black painted decoration (Santa Maria bicolor) of a somewhat earlier date. The fragments are not possible to reconstruct into whole vessels and are from far

121See for example SALVADOR DEBENEDETTI, ‘La influencia hispánica en los yacimientos

arqueológicos de Caspinchango’. Revista de la universidad de Buenos Aires, XLVI , , lamina VI. Bs As 1921 pp 745-788

122Or of course the presence of more than one skeleton. The preservation of bone is very bad however, and you cannot count on finding a complete bone material.

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more vessels than would be reasonable to find in a single stone chamber. 123 It is therefore assumed that this is a filling material from an earlier gravefield.

Another indication of an earlier gravefield is that approximately 60 urns have been looted from sector XI. These have nowadays disappeared, but from verbal descriptions they seem to be of the Santa Maria type.124

6.4.6 Not chronologically closed units

The graves can not be seen as chronologically closed units. The main indications for this lies in the distribution of the artefact material within the stone chamber. Close to sterile level, whole vessels of red coarse ware and other artefact types are encountered. In the upper levels a Santa Maria sherd material is encountered. This sherd material is not possible to reconstruct into whole vessels and stems from more vessels than would be reasonable to find in a single grave chamber. The difficulty lies however in explaining how the grave material was mixed. To make this, we have to look at the process of constructing the grave.

Vladimiro Weiser writes about the construction of the grave chambers:125 "They excavated the soil until they came to the silt, in these times it seems as if the

layer of soil was very thin, 5 - 10 cm deep. Then they dug a hole 3 m long and 2,5 m wide to a depth of 1m. From this level to a depth of 2 m ,the diameter of the hole was only 2 m. From here on they started to construct the vault of the stone chamber made of stone blocks put horizontally. The stone blocks were laid in a circle until they reached a diameter of 0,6-0,8 m. Here the chamber was closed by putting vertical stone blocks over the chamber".

Smaller stones were put between the larger ones in order to "close" the grave. Weiser considered the position of the skeletons and the position of the artefacts buried to be an indication that they had not been buried at one and the same time, but the grave chambers had been opened from time to time.

In my explanation of the chronological mixture the emphasis will be put on the the construction of the grave chamber. A hole is dug in an supposedly older grave field. During this process older urns are cracked, but also sherds from already destroyed urns are excavated.

The cist is constructed and the dead people buried together with their grave gifts and whole ceramic vessels. They are then covered with sediment, wich serves to stabilize the grave chamber from within. The sediment contains an older Santa Maria sherd material. In a way the hypothesis assumes that the process of constructing the grave leads to the mixture of two chronologically different materials within the same grave chamber.

123Susana Sjödin, personal communication 124Pio Gwanka, personal communication 125Weiser Vladimiro 1922 , Field book 18, pg 92-93, based on 4.th expedition 1922. Dep. at museo de

Ciencias Naturales, La Plata.

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6.4.7 A rich artefact material

The grave material in sector XI has the richest artefact material of all materials encountered on the site of El Pichao. During the 1990 excavations, 11 different artefact categories were encountered. This is both a possibility and a problem. Hypothetically, if you apply the concepts of quantity, diversity and place of origin you would have a great possibility to create a ranking scale among the graves.126 A wealthier grave should have more material goods than a poorer one, it should also posses a greater variety of material goods. If materials of exotic origin are encountered, this can also be taken as an indicator of wealth. Of course this is only true if wealth is considered on the axis of vertical differentiation.

All of this is true for the grave material in sector 11. The difficulty lies however in weighing the different artefact types against each other, to evaluate who is an indicator for social differentiation, and who is not.

6.4.8 Specially produced pottery for a grave context

As mentioned earlier two different types of Santa Maria pottery were found. One originated from sector III, the other one from the supposed filling material in sector XI. The decoration on the two types of wessels were similar, but the Santa Maria from sector XI had a much lesser porosity than the one from sector III. This leads us to conclude that the two types had a different usage. It seems unlikely that the Santa Maria ceramic encountered within sector XI could have been used outside of a grave context. The Santa Maria in sector III had more porosity and could possibly have been used for storage, wheras the lesser porous ceramics (with no antiplastics added) encountered in sector XI would have been unsuitable for such matters. So far, the lesser porous Santa Maria has not been encountered outside of sector XI. This clearly indicates a specialised production of grave pottery on the site of El Pichao. From a production point of wiev, not as much work is invested in this kind of pottery.

6.4.9 The Spanish contact period

The presence of a foreign material culture127 dates the graves to the spanish contact period. The period includes a period of first encounter with the spaniards, but also periods of trade and war with the colonialists, and lastly the total surrender of the natives to the Spaniards. The period of the indians contact with colonialists is generally not well known, and especially not how the indian culture was changed as a result of that contact. One of the main problems seems to be to get accurate descriptions of how indian life tended to be. Many descriptions are from the colonialists point of wiev, and very

126For a further discussion, I refer to Smith Michael E 1987 Household Possesions and Wealth. Journal

of Anthropological Archaeology 6:4 pp 297-335. 127That is, glass pearls and objects in iron, which are traditionally referred to as Spanish import objects.

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coloured by the values of their culture. Sometimes the descriptions are no more than fantasies.128

Another problem is to interpret changes in cultural behaviour on basis of material evidence only. If material was imported or exchanged as a result of trade with the colonialists, what role and importance played that material within indian society? Can we interpret it in terms of social differentiation? If so, how do we evaluate it in comparison with the natives own materials and artefacts? To understand this we first have to understand the nature of contact and trade with the colonialists. In a short paper129 I have tried to develop this theme. As an outcome of this, I developed 5 changes within native culture which might occur as the result of contact with the Spaniards.

1: Contact might intensifie trade. 2: Contact might give new ways of gaining prosperity and thus increase social

differentiation. 3: Contact might incorporate a foregin material culture among the indians. 4: Contact might change traditional alliance systems among the indians. 5: Contact might create a dependence situation towards the colonialists. To understand the changes that the contact with the spaniards might have created we

must however put it in its historical context. The contact period lasts from 1530 until 1660 and includes the timeperiod from the

first encounter with the Spaniards to the spanish military victory in 1659. The spanish presence in the Santa Maria valley was small before 1650.130 The Spaniards constructed centres like Santiago del Estero and Ibatin at other places which existed alongside with the indian centres like Tolombon, El Pichao and Quilmes. In fact no real political control was achieved before 1659. The reason for this seems to be that the indian political organisation was of a segmentary type 131 The centres in the Calchaqui valley had no supreme political power but unified in case of outside threat towards a common enemy.132

However, each alliance group had its own tactics towards the Spaniards. A northern group, the Pulares choose to collaborate with the spanish to a great extent. The site of El Pichao seems to have belonged to the Calchaqui group which fought against the spanish for many years. After some victories during the 1650:s, the leader of the Calchaqui group, Pablo Calchaqui was killed in a battle in Tolombon in 1659. After this the alliance group capitulated to the Spaniards. After their defeat the Calchaqui group came to be antagonistic in their relation to the Yocavil group, especially concerning Algarobo trees in the valley bottom.

Let us now return to the 5 points concerning changes in native culture related to contact with the spaniards. In this case the indians have incorporated a foreign material culture in their grave material because of contact with the Spaniards. The material is probably a result of trade or exchange with the colonialists but could also have been taken in war. Because of the presence of the Spaniards, local alliance systems are altered, some groups chose to colloborate, others to fight. After their defeat the

128 A good example can be taken from the french artists Lafitau´s description of the Hurons feast of the

dead in North America. In the picture skeletons are dangling, and corpses are wrapped over the mourner´s shoulders. This had no connection whatsoever with the traditional feast of the dead. In Trigger, Bruce 1987 The children of Aataensic Montreal pp 89

129Johansson Nils Specified problems related to the spanish contact period unpubl paper 1990 130Cornell Per 1989 Introduction. El Pichao 1989 p 6 MS. 131ANA MARIA LORANDI & ROXANA BOIXADÓS, Etnohistoria de los valles Calchaquies en los siglos

XVI y XVII, manuscript for publication, 1989. 132Cornell Per 1989 Introduction El Pichao 1989 p 7 MS.

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Calchaqui group got Antagonistic against the Yocavil group because of lack of local resources.

We cannot say anything about the intensity of trade with the spaniards, or if trade created a dependence situation against them before their victory in 1659. The wars against the Spaniards opposes such an conclusion. The fact that spanish items were laid down in graves during that period might however indicate that spanish items were highly valued in indian society.

The fact that an older cemetery possibly was reutilized might indicate an ambivalence towards the own culture. Another indicator of this might be the rectangular structure of the base of the chamber graves, a possible imitation of a cist. However the grave ritual with putting more than one person in the same grave together with grave goods are clearly indian customs. We stand in front of a "hybrid", with two types of material culture and a possible influence from the cist in the form of the base of the stone chamber. The difficulty lies in deciding what is clearly reflecting indian society, and what can clearly indicate social differentiation. Part of it depends on the value of spanish items in indian society, but also on the nature of the relationship between conquerer and conquered.

6.4.10 Graves encountered in other sectors.

During the campaign of 1990 graves were also encountered in sector IX, and close to the Carissal mountain. A brief survey of the graves close to Carissal mountain was made by the author and Gloria Esteban. The graves were generally encountered as a result of earlier looting. The authors impression is that the graves are different from the graves in sector XI, and that they possibly could be dated earlier.

Sector IX was surveyed by Eduardo Ribotta and Gloria Esteban. On the basis of this, a geographical description of the sector was made. This cemetery is heavily damaged by earlier looting.133 The grave structures includes both rectangular stone cists, and circular stone structures. Mediations were made and a map of the sector was constructed. As part of the plans for the next field campaign, field work will be undertaken in this sector.

References

ACRECHE, N, MG COLANERI & YMV ALBEZA, ‘Human skeletal remains from El Pichao 1990’. El Pichao 1990 GOTARC Göteborg 1991

BALDINI, LIDIA & MARIA ESTER ALBECK, ‘La prescencia hispánica en algunos cementerios del valle de Santa María, Catamarca’. Presencia hispánica en la arqueología Argentina, Vol 2, Buenos Aires 1984.

CORNELL, PER, ‘Introduction’. El Pichao 1989 . CORNELL, PER, ‘Unit 1 as a household and the 1990 excavations in structure 3’. El Pichao 1990.

Göteborg DEBENEDETTI, SALVADOR, ‘La influencia hispánica en los yacimientos arqueológicos de

Caspinchango’. Revista de la universidad de Buenos Aires, XLVI. Buenos Aires 1921, pp 745-788. JOHANSSON, NILS, ‘The grave material at El Pichao - Problems and possibilities’. El Pichao 1989, (eds

Per Cornell & Susana Sjödin) Göteborg 1989, pp 49 - 61. 133Ribotta Eduardo: Geographical description of sector IX El Pichao 1990 MS

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JOHANSSON, NILS, Specified problems related to the Spanish contact period, unpubl paper, Göteborg 1990.

LORANDI, ANA MARIA & ROXANA BOIXADÓS, Etnohistoria de los valles Calchaquies en los siglos XVI y XVII, manuscript for publication, 1989.

ORTIZ MALMIERCA, MARTHA, ‘Textiles en tumbas’. El Pichao 1990. RIBOTTA, EDUARDO, ‘Geographical description of sector IX’.El Pichao 1990 . SJÖDIN, SUSANA, ‘Chronology and ceramics - methods’. El Pichao 1989 , (Eds P Cornell & S Sjödin),

Göteborg 1989, pp 72 - 117. SJÖDIN, SUSANA, El Pichao 1990. SMITH, MICHAEL E, ‘Household Possesions and Wealth’. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 6:4

(1987), pp 297-335. TRIGGER, BRUCE,The children of Aataensic Montreal 1987. VLADIMIRO, WEISER, Field book 18, based on 4.th expedition 1922. Dep. at museo de Ciencias

Naturales, La Plata 1922.

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7. Human skeletal remains from El Pichao 1990 - (Preliminary report)

Noemi Acreche, Museo de Ciencias Naturales, Universidad Nacional de Salta, Museo de Antropología de Salta. María Gloria Colaneri, Instituto de arqueología, Universidad nacional de Tucumán María Virginia Albeza, Museo de Ciencias Naturales de Salta

The human skeleton, can provide important information about individual and social history. Data extracted from bones recovered from archaeological excavations, such as pattern of burial, number of individuals, deformative practices, age at death, sex or group composition, signs of injury, and degenerative changes, reflect social organization, way of living, activity, nutrition, health and even peace and war periods. On the other hand, morphological characters, either measurable in numerical scales or not, may contribute to the understanding of genetical relationships, among groups and their distances. For an inequivocal interpretation, it is needed a significant sample of bone remains of a population. One of the main problems of this work is the cuantification of the representativity of samples. Differential conservation of bones must also be evaluated.

The recovery of human skeletal remains with a clear association to cultural materials, is very important in our region, where bones were not studied, sometimes because their importance was not understood, others because they were not treated by specialists. There is some bone material in museums, lacking the references of provenance or cultural association. This is why it is still necessary to study and characterize human prehistoric population in this area, defining a reference collection. Fortunately, there is a number of works that have done much to change this situation.134

The human remains considered in this study were recovered in the 1990' campaign from a cemetery at El Pichao and were studied at the Laboratory of Physical Anthropology, Natural Science museum, National university of Salta.

Three tombs were excavated, and a minimum of 13 adults, 8 adolescents and 1 child were identified. 134Cf for example EDUARDO CIGLIANO, ‘Tastil, una ciudad preincaica argentina’. Tastil, una ciudad

preincaica argentina, (ed Cabargon). Buenos Aires 1973; JOSÉ COCILOVO, ‘Estudios sobre discriminación y clasificación de poblaciones prehispánicas del noroeste argentino’. Publicación ocasional, 36, Museo Nacional de historia natural, (Santiago de Chile 1981); LIVIA FEBES KOZAMEH, ‘Estudio antropofísico de una colección perteneciente al Museo arqueológico de Cachi’. Estudios de arqueología, 2 (Cachi 1977); ALBERTO MARCELLINO, ‘El morfotipo paleoamericano lagofueguido en restos humanos del período de agricultura incipiente del noroeste argentino’. Publicaciones del Instituto de antropología, 36, Universidad nacional de Córdoba, Córdoba 1981; ALBERTO MARCELLINO & S COLANTONIO, ‘Relaciones morfológicas de los aborígenes prehispánicos del territorio argentino VI: La région noroeste (Belén, Valles Calchaquíes, Santa Rosa de Tastil, Cachi)’. Bioanthropos, vol 1 (1988); ALBERTO MARCELLINO & S RINGUELET, ‘Estudio antropofísico de los restos de Tastil’. Tastil, una ciudad preincaica argentina (ed Cabargon), Buenos Aires 1973; SUSANA SALCEDA, ‘Análisis de la variabilidad biológica intergrupal en la serie de craneos adultos procedentes de Pampa Grande (Guanchipas - Salta). Bioántropos, vol 1.

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The assessment of age and sex was done on the basis of anatomical examination, as recommended by Hrdlicka, Hooton, Bass, and Ferembach et al.135

Biological age at death was estimated in subadults when possible, evaluating tooth eruption, epiphyseal closure and relative length of long bones without epiphyses. An individual was identified as an adult when the spheno-occipital suture was closed. When this part of the skull was broken or missing, closure of other sutures (ecto and endocranial), the presence of third molar, or degree of attrition were considered. Tooth ware was only secondarily considered, due to its particular characters and variation of pattern. Teeth were poorly preserved, crowns were mostly separated from their roots, and heavily eroded. Degenerative changes, such as signs of osteoarthritis and dental caries were also considered.

The estimation of sex was based upon the generalization that men are more robust, rugged and muscle-marked than women. It was done only for adults, considering the following distinguishing characters:

- General aspect of the skull - Relief of muscular markings - Orbital outline - Relative teeth length - Shape of the thin - Gracility of bones - Muscle ridges, especially in the occipital bones - Robustness of processes (zygomatic, mastoid) - Innominate bone

Tomb 13 was carefully excavated. The material was surrounded by a dense sediment, very dry, adhered to the bones. It was so dry that removal was very difficult, for it didn't resist the faintest pressure. Bones were removed, and each fragment identified in the field when possible, given a register number and a possible vinculation with one of the hipothetical individuals. Laterality, sex and age were also recorded. The material is incomplete, poorly preserved, and very fragile. It was handled with care at all times.

The minimum number of individuals present in the tomb was determined by an analysis of each bone fragment regarding sex, age or any distinctive feature such as degenerative changes in the joints or other signs of pathology, in order to group those that with any degree of probability belonged to the same individual.

Eight cranea were studied, all very fragmented. Mandibles and teeth, comparatively known as parts with highest indices of differential conservation were also very destructed.

Many fragments were found in anatomical position, indicating a primary burial. The work was done in artificial strata, drawing plans, where each fragment was registered. Differences in depth of burials, may indicate reuse of the tomb. Fragments seemed to have been displaced from their original position, making difficult the interpretation of relative placement. It is notable the disposition of all cranea at the borders of the tomb.

Cranium no 4 was placed close to the lateral wall of the tomb leaving no room for the rest of the body's supposed anatomical position. It must be pointed out that most of the

135A HRDLICKA, Practical anthropometry (ed T D Steward), The Wistar Institute of anatomy and

biology, Philadelphia 1952; E A HOOTON, Up from the ape. New York 1954; WILLIAM BASS, Human osteology: a laboratory and field manual of the human skeleton (ed D R Evans). Columbia 1971; D FEREMBACH et al, ‘Recommendations por determiner l'age et le sexe sur le squelette’. Bulletine et memoires de la société d'Anthropologie de Paris, vol 6 (1979).

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long bones were recovered from the northern part. Individual no 3, on the other hand, was found in anatomical position.

It is possible to infer that this tomb was in continual use during a relatively long time span. In some cases it seems to have been used for primary burials (individual no 3) and secondary burials in other cases, as the case is with individual no 4. Nils Johansson excavated a trench close to a grave, where he found what he considers a secondary burial.

The tomb was shared by adults and adolescents, as well as by children, of both sexes. Skull no 1 was artificially deformed (tabular erecta). It belonged to an adult male,

probably older than 50 years, considering the closure of all sutures, except a small endocranial sector of coronal suture. In this point, it must be considered that the estimation of age, done on the basis of normally developed individuals, may be altered by the deformatory practices.

Skull no 2 presents parietal pitting, as well as nos 3, 4, and 5. This may be a consequence of nutritional deficiency. Nos 2 and 6 present Inca bone, a character related to heredity in American populations. No 2 has also a small supernumerary bone, which might be the result of the deformative practice. According to sutures and eruption of the third molar, this individual was aged 17 to 20 years.

Skull no 3 belonged to a female, 30 to 40 years old. This craneum presents, after reconstruction, a shape with very high degree of asymetry, possibly the result of earth pressure after death because its position in the tomb suffered diagonal pression.

Skull no 4 presents flat occipital, similar to those of nos 1 and 3. No sutures are visibles, except for a small portion of the temporal. This is the biggest of all the cranea studied, presenting thickening of the table and an prominent orbitary arc. This led to the conclusion that it belonged to a male individual, aged around 40 years.

Skull no 5 presents cavities in the inferior canine and in the third molar. Neck caries are also present in second mandibular molars. This may have been a woman, 30 to 40 years old.

Skull no 6 belonged to a robust man, older than 40 years. Second molar was lost during his life. Sutures notably dented, not visibles on the inner face.

Skull no 7 is very fragmented, with visible methopic suture. In general lines, it appears to be a very small skull, belonging to an individual of 20 to 30 years of age.

Skull no 8 is represented by only a few fragments of occipital and parietal bones, without visible sutures. According to general characters, it might have been an adult, older than 50 years.

Shovelling shaped incisors were found, with no precise relation to any of the skulls. Long bones were also recovered from this tomb, as well as a number of fragments

representing almost all parts of the body. In spite of this, and even though all the fragments were recorded, identified and studied, in this report we will include only those that contributed to the assessment of the minimum number of individuals in the tomb.

Fragments of tibia, fibula, feet, scapulæ, humerus ulna, etc, of maximum seven individuals were recorded, two of them being subadults.

According to femur fragments, which show the best degree of preservation, the minimum number of individuals represented in the tomb is 13, 10 of them adults. Fragments of ulna, on the other hand, represent seven individuals, 3 of them subadults.

Evidence of arthritic changes were recorded in the head of femur, and vertebral transformation into one single piece, caused by oseus neoformation, a case of advanced deforming spondilitis, causing column in bambu. In general terms, considering the age at death of the individuals recovered and studied, and in spite of having found parietal pitting in some of them, it may be concluded that the nutritional status of this population was fairly good.

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In no case was it possible to reach a definite conclusion regarding the cause of death, since none of the bones show signs of injury before death.

Skeletal remains of the other three tombs were also studied, i e tombs nos 10, 11 and 12. In tomb no 10, fragments of three individuals were recognized, one child, one adolescent and one adult. From tomb no 11, rests of two individuals were found. In tomb no 12, a total of four individuals were found, two adolescents, one adult and one child.

References

BASS, WILLIAM, Human osteology: a laboratory and field manual of the human skeleton (ed D R Evans). Columbia 1971.

CIGLIANO, EDUARDO, ‘Tastil, una ciudad preincaica argentina’. Tastil, una ciudad preincaica argentina, (ed Cabargon). Buenos Aires 1973.

COCILOVO, JOSÉ, ‘Estudios sobre discriminación y clasificación de poblaciones prehispánicas del noroeste argentino’. Publicación ocasional, 36, Museo Nacional de historia natural, (Santiago de Chile 1981).

FEREMBACH, D, et al, ‘Recommendations por determiner l'age et le sexe sur le squelette’. Bulletine et memoires de la société d'Anthropologie de Paris, vol 6 (1979).

HOOTON, E A, Up from the ape. New York 1954. HRDLICKA, A, Practical anthropometry (ed T D Steward), The Wistar Institute of anatomy and

biology, Philadelphia 1952. KOZAMEH, LIVIA FEBES, ‘Estudio antropofísico de una colección perteneciente al Museo arquelógico

de Cachi’. Estudios de arquelogía, 2 (Cachi 1977). MARCELLINO, ALBERTO, ‘El morfotipo paleoamericano lagofueguido en restos humanos del período

de agricultura incipiente del noroeste argentino’. Publicaciones del Instituto de antropología, 36, Universidad nacional de Córdoba, Córdoba 1981.

MARCELLINO, ALBERTO & S COLANTONIO, ‘Relaciones morfológicas de los aborígenes prehispánicos del territorio argentino VI: La région noroeste (Belén, Valles Calchaquíes, Santa Rosa de Tastil, Cachi)’. Bioanthropos, vol 1 (1988).

MARCELLINO, ALBERTO & S RINGUELET, ‘Estudio antropofísico de los restos de Tastil’. Tastil, una ciudad preincaica argentina (ed Cabargon), Buenos Aires 1973.

SALCEDA, SUSANA, ‘Análisis de la variabilidad biológica intergrupal en la serie de craneos adultos procedentes de Pampa Grande (Guanchipas - Salta). Bioántropos, vol 1.

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8. Textiles en tumbas. Resultados de trabajos de campo

Martha Ortiz Malmierca, Department of archaeology, University of Stockholm

El análisis de textiles encontrados en enterratorios es un tema que aparece con relativa frecuencia en la bibliografía arqueológica de la zona. Cementerios excavados en Villavil136 en Docellas137 en Chaquiago138 poseían restos de textiles. Es evidente que el hallazgo de textiles dentro del área del enterratorio da la posibilidad de brindar una información cronológica sobre los mismos. Su asociación con otros materiales también encontrados en ella, evidencian su contempraneidad. Se encuentran entre material excavado por Casanova quipus que como se sabe son cuerdas que constituían un sistema contable de los incas139 por lo que se pueden adjudicar dichos materiales a este período. También cierto tipo de materiales provéen de evidencias sobre la relación social dentro del grupo al que perteneció el muerto explican este punto ampliamente.140

La investigación del material oseo pudo también aportar información sobre el sexo del muerto y en este caso diferenciar el vestido de hombres y mujeres Así mismo los restos oseos nos pueden aportar importante documentación sobre los ritos de enterratorio si ellos estuvieran quemados por ejemplo y el ajuar funerario tendra vital importancia en relación al status social del enterrarorio.141

En el caso del análisis del material textil de las tumbas de El Pichao, en el valle de Santa María NO de Argentina, usaremos las notas obtenidas por nosotros personalmente en el trabajo de campo de la primera temporada de 1989 así mismo de el informe de Nils Johansson que dirigiera la excavación de la tumba.142

La prospección de uno de los cementerios de la Quebrada de Amancay se centró en el sector XI y XII. Ella revelo la presencia de textiles en tumbas.

La tumba elegida para excavar es de tipo falsa bóveda como las excavadas en Santa María y en Zárate.143 Es de marcar que este último caso se encuentra en el valle pedemontano de Trancas al oeste de las Cumbres Calchaquíes, es decir fuera de la subárea de valles y quebradas. En el sitio que nos ocupa la base de las mismas no será oval sino rectangular. Como en ellas tendrá cerámica de tipo santamariano pero con predominio del bicolor al mismo tiempo que el tipo Caspinchango con una datación probable de entre los 1500 a 1600.144 Las cuentas de collar de vidrio que se encontraron en la tumba señalarían el final del período prehispánico y el contacto con el español. Este

136Schieiter 1919 en Docellas () 137Casanova 1940 138Berberian1969 139Perrot y Nardi 1978 140Binford 1972 y Parker Persson 1982. 141Bennett 1987 142Nils Johansson 1989 143Cigliano1960; Berberian y Soria 1970. 144Susana Sjödin 1989

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mismo contexto se encuentra al analizar el material de la colección Muniz Barreto en el Museo de La Plata.145

El registro de materiales dio como resultado la presencia de 16 diferentes tipos. Los mas relevantes serán la cerámica, el cuartzo, la obsidiana, los metales, cuentas de collar de vidrio, fragmentos de pelo, huesos y textiles.

De los ocho fragmentos textiles rescatados tres de ellos estaban en la trinchera practicada fuera de la tumba propiamente dicha, algunos asociados a una urna. Otros cuatro estaban ubicados dentro de ella y junto a restos oseos Por ultimo uno se econtró en una nueva tumba abierta en las proximidades de la anterior.

Es de señalar la presencia de un fragmento de pelo que estaba tambien en la tumba pero que aparecio recien en la zaranda por lo que no se pudo saber exactamente su ubicación en el enterratorio

De los primeros fragmentos se puede decir que aparecen en el nivel cuatro a cms fuera de la tumba en una concentración de tierra junto a fragmentos grandes de cerámica. Los segundos aparecen en la tumba cerca de huesos largos y junto al craneo. (Tabla 1)

El método empleado para el estudio de los fragmentos fue el de la observación de sus características técnicas atravez del microscopio. El estudio de los fragmentos nos dará

(a) El tamaño de la muestra (b) La densidad contando la cantidad de hilos por centímetro tanto de la trama como

de la urdiembre (c) Que tipo de torción se usó para formar el hilo (d) De que tipo de tejido se trata; si es hecho en telar, es decir una tela o si es

genericamente un textil (e) Por ultimo la ubicación de la muestra dentro del sitio de hallazgo. De ese modo

conocemos el tipo de torción de los hilos su constitución es decir la cantidad de fibras que lo componen, la densidad del tejido de acuerdo a la presencia de hilos por centi-metro en trama y urdiembre, y por ultimo el de los mismos midiendo su tamaño.

Este trabajo fue realizado en el La sección textiles del R A Al Bajo la supervisión de su directora Margareta Nockert.

Diferenciamos entre el total de las muestras las de tejido propiamente dicho y los cabos sueltos, es decir de un tejido desintegrado donde solo se puede observar las características de los hilos pero no la confección del tejido. En general al no evidenciarse ningún borde no puede definirse los conceptos que marcan las direcciones trama y urdiembre, usándose ellos en forma relativa. El colór aparece como marrón y la técnica del tejido es el llano pero con efecto de rips. La trama y la urdiembre trabajan uno a uno, pero la urdiembre esta muy apretada 0.5 por lo que no deja ver la trama diciendose como de faz de urdiembre.

Es importante señalar las características climáticas del sitio ya que ellas tienen directa relación con la conservación de los textiles.El área es seca y se la puede llegar a caracterizár como un casi desierto. En El Pichao solo llueve de 30 a 300 mm por año. Las lluvias son en verano y cortas y el agua se evapora rapidamente por lo que el clima es cálido La temperatura es de 16,7 grados en la zona.146 El estado de conservación es dificiente debido a los grandes cambios climáticos entre las estaciones. Si bien el clima es calificado como seco en el enterratorio se concentraba mucha humedad.

Posiblemente se trate de restos de diferentes textiles. Los que aparecen fuera de la tumba en la trinchera es de una densidad de 3, mientras que los de dentro de ella es de

145Baldini 1984 146Ahlgren 1989

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10 a 12 en la trama y 4 a 6 en la urdiembre. Algunos poséen varias capas, lo cual es frecuente en tejidos finos.

El torcido de los hilos es no es claro se presume es en Z la filatura y en S luego. El fragmento de pelo poseía restos de vegetales.

En cambio los fragmentos de dentro de la tumba son de hilos de 5 mm con un porcentaje de 30 a 10 por centimetro.

Algunos fragmentos encontrados en la tumba XII estaban adheridos a un trozo de tierra endurecida de color turqueza restos de minerales. El mismo esta siendo analizado en laboratorio.

La tecnica es muy primaria y aparece desde períodos muy tempranos. Pudo servir para confeccionar bolsas para enterrar a los muertos por lo que aparece fuera de la tumba de piedra.

Solo podemos concluír que se trata de diferente tipo de material, talvez de diferente uso.

Futuras investigaciones nos darán respuesta a esta y otras preguntas Entre ellas será la de comparar el material encontrado en la tumba, es decir el usado para uso funerario con otros que eventualmente pueden aparecer en otros lugares como las viviendas Pensamos en el intrumental empleado en la confección de agujas, torteros, palos de telar, etc, que se han encontrado por ejemplo en Chaquiago.147

Otro aporte importantísimo en futuras investigaciones lo brindará la continuación con las entrevistas a los actuales textileros de la zona para realizar un estudio comparativo con la comunidad actual.

147Veronica Williams 1979

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Tabla 8.1

6.1.3.1 Fragmento encontrado fuera de la tumba en la trinchera. Colór marrón obscuro muy deteriorado

6.1.3.2 Fragmento debajo de una urna que rodea la zona del enterratorio muy deteriorado

6.1.3.9 Fragmento textil fuera de la tumba

6.1.4.3 Fragmento de pelo en la zona de la tumba aparecio en la zaranda

6.3.4.14 Fragmento textil asociado a tumba aparecio en el nivel 78

6.1.4.16 Fragmento textil asociado a tumba igual que el anterior

6.1.4.22 Fragmento textil igual decripccion que el anterior

6.1.4.27 Fragmento textil asociado a tumba en nivel 83

6.1.12 Fragmento textil depositado sobre conglomerado de colór turqueza aparece en otra trinchera

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Tabla 8.2

Codigo del Numero Medida Trama Colór Tecnica Hilatura Diametro Ubicaciónhallazgo cm Urdiembre hilos

6.1.3.1 6 1.5x5 - marrón faz de ur- z s 3.5 mm afuera diembre de tumba

6.1.3.2 - - - marrón faz de ur- z s 1.5 mm afuera diembre de tumba

6.1.3.9 3 3x3 10-12 marrón faz de ur- z s 0.15 mm afuera diembre de tumba 5x3 4-6 0.15 mm 2.5x3 -

6.1.4.14 1 2x1.75 24 marrón faz de ur- z s 0.5 mm dentro diembre de tumba 14 6.1.4.16 5 1.3x1 28 marrón faz de ur- z s 0.5 mm dentro diembre de tumba 16

6.1.4.22 1 5x2.5 30 marrón faz de ur- z s 0.3 mm dentro diembre de tumba 12 0.5 mm

6.1.4.27 10 1.5x0.5 24 marrón faz de ur- z s 0.5 mm dentro diembre de tumba 11

6.1.12.58 1 3.5x2.5 16 marrón faz de ur- z s 0.5 mm diembre 7 0.1 mm

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Obras citadas

Ahlgren 1989 Schieiter 1919 en Docellas () Casanova 1940 Berberian1969 Perrot y Nardi 1978 Binford 1972 Parker Persson 1982. Bennett 1987 Johansson, Nils 1989 Cigliano 1960 Berberian y Soria 1970. Susana Sjödin 1989 Baldini 1984 Veronica Williams 1979

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9. Geographic description of sector IX

Eduardo Ribotta, instituto de arquelogía, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán. Translated by Sven Ahlgren and Nils Johansson

9.1 Location

During the campaign of 1989 the archaeological site was divided in 13 sectors for their proper study. In sector IX there is a cemetery which is placed on the east side of the Condorhuasi mountain. This cemetery has different areas with many tombs presenting disimilar characteristics.

One of these areas is located on a low hill surrounded by two gullies, one to the North-Northeast the other to the South towards a cliff oriented Northwest-Southsouth East, which the locals call the ravine of Aguila. Both the cliff and the gully that comes from the south joins a gully coming from sector I, (near the ravine of Zorro) and they penetrate sector IX in direction North-Northeast. The cliff, the southern gully and the gully coming from sector I flows through the southeastern part of the cemetery. This area is approximately 150 meter long and between 50-100 meter wide. The tombs in this area have been looted, and this permits us to observe their circular and rectangular forms.

At the edge of the cliff there are large stone cists, one of these is 3,5 meter long and two meter wide and contains a mortar. There is another one on a block located close to Tomb 1 (se plan XX) and many others diseminated but damaged on blocks of smaller size. In this area we also find platforms that were probably constructed to level the terrain.

To the southwest and west there is another area belonging to the cemetery. The area contains looted tombs, all of circular shape. They are located on a low hill between the cliff to the North and the slope of the hill to the south. The area is approximately 50 meter long and 30 meter wide. Very close to this area we encounter another gully and many unlooted tombs of circular shape diseminated over the slope. Some of these are covered with sediment, probably depending on their location, close to the gully and and on the slope of the hill. This third area is also delimited by the cliff towards the north.

At a distance of 200 mts from the cemetery we find sector X which is surrounded by many but small gullies. Although we call the mountain Condorhuasi, the inhabitants of Pichao consider that it is this sector that properly bears the name of Condorhuasi. There are many contention walls on the South-Southeast slope. Under these there are structures of square and circular shape and a lot of mortars. Climbing 300 mts from the structures towards the Southwest we encounter a permanent flowing spring. This spring is located in the gully which descends towards the cemetery and arrives at it from the south.

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The possibility of obtaining water during the whole year, probably made the construction of a large number of dwelling structures possible. The close distance to the cemetery might indicate some sort of relationship with it.

In the other direction, located East and Northeast of the cemetery we find a large number of cultivation platforms in sectors IV and V.

9.2 Geology and geomorphology

The sectors mentioned above are located in the Sierra de Quilmes, that streches from Cafayate (Salta) in the north to Punta Balasto (Catamarca) in the south. Sierra de Quilmes belong to the system of mountains called Sierras Pampeanas that was elevated during the the Precambrian orogenesis, eroded during the following periodes and rejuvenated during the Andean orogenesis. At the present erosion is denuding the Sierra Pampeanas.

The eastern slope of Sierra de Quilmes where El Pichao is situated is steeper than the western slope. Sierra de Quilmes lacks the cover of Tertiary sediments, found in other areas, as a result of the possition of the block and through erosion.

The predominant type of bedrock at El Pichao is of metamorphic origin, that depending on mineral composition displays different textures. Here the textures are classified into three types; cataclastic texture, unexfoliated texture and schistosity or exfoliated texture.

The cataclastic texture is the result of the intense folding and fracturing often suffered by the bedrock. Taking the clasification in to account, sector IX shows a abundance of cataclastic rocks, with individual mineral grains of about 2.5 cm in size. Mylonitic rocks are also encountered, thise with individual rock fragments less than 2 cm in size. The most abundant rocks, though, are muscovitic schists with exfoliated texture that were employed for tombs and mortars.

This type bedrock is also found near the slope of the Sierra de Quilmes were it generally is covered by clay, produced by processes initiated by precipitation. Here pegmatitic derivates, pegmatites of granitic composition milonitizied cataclastic schists are also found. Milonitization is an extreme form of fracturing that the rock have suffered in this area becaurse of intence faulting. Desert varnish in the form of iron hydroxid covers many blocks, probably due to decomposion caused by atmopheric agents initiating cemical reactiones in the rock.

The dominating minerals of the area are quartz and muscovite. Abundant minerals are also potash feldspar, plagioclase, epidote and garnet.

Three flakes of quartz, quartzite and basalt were encounterd on the ground surface. The origin of the flakes, though, are difficult to establish becaurse of sloping ground and intence erosion.

9.2.1 Erosion

The processes of erosion clearly identified in sector IX are, biologic, eolic, antropic and downward movement of debries on slopes. Wethering is also a active agent transforming bedrock and overburden.

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Wethering is the combined action of all of the processes by which rocks are broken down through the action of the elements, elements excluding processes involving major movements of soil and sediments.

Movement of debris is caused by pluvial erosion, when lokal summer rains yeilds much larger amounts of water than can be absorbed by the earth. When this water descends a slope it picks up soil turns into a mudflow that, once on the adyacent ground, becomes a dense static mass.

When a extremty strong flow of water acts over loose sediments on the mountainesides, the ground below is covered by sharp edged debries. Large avenyes form throgh the action of mudflows during the intermittent summer rains. No area is sheltered from violent mudflooows containing rockfragments, which when comming to rest form fanglomerates.

Another phenomenon that causes the movement of rock fragments to is the erosion caused by the force of .rain drops during the seasonal rains. When the drops hit the ground they form a `geyser´, lifting rock fragments up into the air, subsequently droping into new positiones on lower levels.

The water that flows from the slopes form ephemeral strems dissimenated all over the lower flat areas called `arroyada waters´. The strems can be concentrated `arroyada en surco´ or diffuse `arroyada en manto´ . Of these the first type mentioned is the most important. It is characterized by the formation of unnumbered channals lying very close together (for example in sector X). Those channals converge into a streambed that gradually becomes deeper till i forms a deep arroyo. This process will occure if the most active streambeds deepens faster than there neighbours and take posession of adjacent drainage areas.

In this way the erosive action is concentrated into a few big streambeds makeing them deeper till they form huge arroyos with rough walls. One of these typical arroyos, called `quebrada de Aguila´, is encountered in sector IX, and is a disictive feature of the badlands landscape.

Biologic erosion taces place when growing roots of trees and bushes push with incredible strength into the cracks of the earth, causing them to enlarge, this type of erosion, though, is unusual in the sector. The constant roaming of goat herds without proper control ruins the scarce vegetation with severe consequences for the ground.

Antropic erosion occur when man modifies his environment through a excesive gathering and cutting of the vegetation in a area. Also, man makes reuse of material from older structures, for example in sector X during the construction of a corral for goats (at the present abandoned). Aggravateing the action of humans, a consideable amount of looting have been registered espesially in this sector.

Eolic erosion is redused to the slow wasteing away and transportation of wethered rock. The above mentioned erosive processes cause frequent slumpes of sediments, that is movements of finegrained sediments and boulders of different sizes.

9.2.2 Soils

At El Pichao the soils contains a elevated, precentage of altered mica, feldspar and quartz. Predominanteing among the soils are types of light and medium texture. Often large amounts of gravel and pebbles have accumulated at the base of the mountains.

No analyses of the soils have been made, but they correspond to the typical Torriorthents. They are easily eroded becaurse of there texture, exccesive permiability,

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lack of water retention, distinct grades of stoniness and steap slopes. The soil is sandy with much gravel and clasts of various sizes.

9.2.3 Phytogeography and zoogeograophy

El Pichao is part of the phytogeographical zon of xerophil mountain, where the climate is inappropriate for the existence of grass, perennial grasses and forests. The site have a permanente annual deficit of water that is around 700 to 800 mm per year.

The vegetation in sector IX is similar to that of El Pichao, but there is a relatively large portion of Opuntia, Jarilla `Larrea divaricata´, Cardon `Trichocereus pasacana´, Carob tree `Prosopis alba´, Churqui `Prosopis ferox´ moss and lichen. Trees and bushes are thinly scattered troughout the sector.

The following fauna have been observed: Bird spider `Ceropelma longisternalis´, Gray Yashawk `Spiziapteryx circumcinctus´, Scorpions `Titys tribitatus´ (the most poisonus), `Titys confluens´ and `Timogenes elegans´, ants and San Jorge a large parasitic wasp `Pepsis sp.´.

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10. New approaches to the study of ceramics, El Pichao 1990

Susana Sjödin, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

10.1 Introduction

The ceramic material is a direct evidence of human activity at many different levels. Firstly, it is the obvious result of a conscious planning for a certain specific purpose that can vary from food preparing or storing of liquids and provisions to ceremonial use, toys and votives. Secondly, the manufacture of pottery is a labour process that often takes part, direct or indirectly, in other labour processes, for instance textile manufacturing, metallurgy, salt extraction, and house building. In the ethnological and ethnoarchaeological litterature there are examples about how the knowledge of pottery manufacture is used when for instance preparing floor or making roof material.

The manufacture of pottery, i e the technical aspects including also the decoration techniques, comprises certain occasional components, but there also exists certain order in the conciously chosen elements created after repeated experiments. The raw material, the manufacture technique, and so on, can be chosen in order to obtain certain purposes related to the use of the vessel. There are strong evidences that manufacturing technique (including shape and finish) also affects or influence use and durability.148 An analysis of the ceramic material related to and with the labour processes in focus, is also linked to a specific tradition in social theory, the study of labour processes being one essential part of marxist analysis.149

The secondary use, that is the recycling of big vessel fragments for storing, as lids during the firing, as fillmaterial, or crushed sherds used for temper (grog), demands different fabrics depending on the intended purpose. Grog added to the paste gives for instance a frost constant fabric. Primary material analysis of clay samples and tempering material collected in the surroundings and in the site compared with finds of ceramic

148Cf D BRAUN, ’Pots as tools‘. Archaeological hammers and theories (eds A Keene & J Moore). New

York 1983, pp 107-134, and VINCAS P STEPONAITIS, ’Technological studies of prehistoric pottery from Alabama: Physical properties and vessel function’ in The many dimensions of pottery (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard), Amsterdam 1984, pp 79-122, where he shows the relation between the intentional use of ceramics and the techniques employed.

149For a terminology on labour process and production systems, see LASSE CORNELL, Arbete och arbetsformernas utveckling. Göteborg 1986, pp 11-15. Cf also for examples from the Andean world PER CORNELL, Emergence and growth of centres in the Andes. Göteborg 1988. pp 18-31.

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fragments within a specific archaeological context, can give an apprehension of prove-nience.

10.1.1 Ceramic research

The history of ceramic research may be divided into three main phases, each caracterized for different perspectives and aims.150 The initial phase, from the beginning of ceramic studies until the mid 1960s, operated at the level of artefact and the artefact pattern. It was a “typological” approach, with the main object to distinguish types. The sherds were seen to behave as people; variations and differentiations assumed to point to different groups of people or cultures.151 Groups of sherds could affect other goups and give cause to new groups. Artefacts were measured and types were made mathematically using numeric taxonomy.152

The second phase, from the mid 1960s to circa 1980, was very much influenced by functionalistic and materialistic views, with ecological and technological approaches. The man behind the artefact was the main study object, and it was recognised that the same people could make very different pots, or decorate similar pots very differently.153 We can see a development from an ‘intuitive’ type (Montelius) to the ‘objective’ type based on numerical methods (Clarke and Malmer), and finally to the realisation that types are subjective patternings of artefacts created by the archaeologist.154

Here I wish to mention two works concerning ceramic technology. Anna O Shepards classical work from 1956, Ceramics for the archaeologist meant a considerabely advance for the technological analysis.155 She was interested in testing relative small samples of ceramic fragments in thin section, to identify provenience, and to study manufacturing technologies.

Birgitta Hulthén is much inspired of her work. Her analysis in turn concerns manufacturing techniques in order to make observations concerning the variations in the material. The material consists of almost exclusively sherds and a few whole vessels. Hulthén considers that continuity respectively discontinuity can be traced in the material by the similarities and variations in the manufacturing techniques. 156

150SANDER VAN DER LEEUW gives an interesting approach to this in ‘From dust to dust: a

transformational view of the ceramic cycle’. The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard), Amsterdam 1984, pp 707-773, pp 709-718.

151Good examples are OSCAR MONTELIUS, Die typologische Methode, Stockholm 1904; James A Ford, ‘On the concept of types: the type concept revisited’. American Anthropologist, 56 (1954), pp 42-54. For a more detailed discussion, see my contribution in El Pichao 1989, Ceramics of El Pichao 1989.

152An example of this is MATS P MALMER, Metodproblem inom Järnålderns konsthistoria, Lund 1963.

153 See for typical examples LEWIS R BINFORD, ‘Archaeological perspectives’. New perspectives in archaeology (eds L R Binford & S R Binford). Chicago 1968, pp 5-32; J N HILL & P R EVANS, ‘A model for classification and typology’. Models in archaeology (ed D L Clake). London 1972, pp 231-274.

154 Cf HILL & EVANS, op cit. 155ANNA O SHEPARD, Ceramics for the archaeologist. Washington 1956. 156BIRGITTA HULTHÉN, On ceramic technology during the Scanian Neolithic and Bronze Age.

Stockholm 1977.

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The third phase is, following Sander van der Leeuw, caracterized by an increasing preoccupation with symbols, symboling, and the humans aspects of environment and behaviour.157 The perceptual framework develops an interaction between humans and their social and natural context. The contributions from this perspective have been of two kinds; ethnoarchaeological studies which have attempted to relate pottery shape and decoration to other aspects of the world view of the makers of this pots,158 and archaeological studies which have attempted to elicit the structuring principles underlying the decoration of pots.159 This veiw takes, as a point of departure, that each society studied has got its own specificity, and considers it impossible to trace any generalities.160

Van der Leeuw, however, criticizes some of the ‘symbolic’ archaeologists, and states that symbolic systems does not need to be entirely specific for the cultures which use them, and that it cannot be an obvious truth that the so called underlying principles of organisation, such as binary oppositions, may explain them all. He clarifies that these two positions are reminiscent of the substantivist and formalist debate in economic anthropology, and equally fruitless. Departing from the third phase, he elaborates an approach, conceptualising pottery as a flow of energy and information, from raw materials to dust, via pots.161

My intention is to depart from a somewhat different approach, the production, and with this in mind, I will try to integrate and adapt parts of the studies and methods which seem fruitful and relevant for my perspective.

Among works opening new directions in ceramic analysis during the last 25 years of ceramic studies, I wish to mention three. Ceramics and man was published in 1965 with Frederick R Matson as editor.162 The majority of the papers here are contributions from archaeologists that use pottery for reconstruction of cultural processes in general terms. A smaller number of the articles are written by anthropologists and ethnographers. They are mostly concerned with the role of pottery-making and trading seen in a context in which the pottery belongs, and with the social, political and economic background for past and present pottery-making. There are also some constributions from ceramicists who represents the emerging perspective to study the pottery in the realm of technology. They are interested in the manufacture, both the context and the technique, the dating and the sourcing of ceramics.

The focus of Pots and potters edited by Prudence M Rice, a student of Matson, and The many dimensions of pottery, edited by Sander E Van der Leeuw and Alison C Pritchard, is on three main subjects: ceramic ecology (the term is introduced by Matson, meaning the context of pottery), ethnoarchaeology and technology.163 Almost all the authors are “pure” archaeologists in the American sense.

157SANDER VAN DER LEEUW, op cit, pp 715-716. 158D MILLER, ‘Structures and strategies: an aspect of the relationship between social hierarchy and

cultural change’. Symbolic and structural archaeology (ed I Hodder). Cambridge 1982, pp 89-98. 159IAN R HODDER, Symbols in action. Cambridge 1982. 160See also PER STENBORG's contribution in this report, part 13, where he discusses the postprocessual

archaeology respectively the functionalistic view, comparing the two approaches departing from examples taken from El Pichao.

161SANDER VAN DER LEEUW, op cit, p 719, pp 739-741. 162Ceramics and man (ed F R Matson). Chicago 1965. 163Pots and potters: current approaches in ceramic archaeology (ed Rice). Los Angeles 1984. The

many dimensions of pottery (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard), Amsterdam 1984; in the following abbreviated M d of p.

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The ethnoarchaeological approach is most emphasized in The many dimensions of pottery, and the contributing archaeologists are much concerned with the ethnography of pottery and its contribution to ceramic studies.

Here Hélène Balfet's very important ethno-archaeological studies of pottery making must be mentioned. She describes manufacturing methods, implements used, and the organisation of work during the pottery-making procedures. Her examples are taken from North Africa (Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco), and her aim is to demonstrate the relation between methods of formation and the shape of the pottery. She compares hand made pottery (the coiling method) and wheel thrown, where she distinguishes three models of pivoted devices. Very clearly she demonstrates the relation between the methods of formation and the shape of pottery, and, as a consequence, the importance of the means of labour and its effect on the social conditions of work.164

10.2 Method

In the following study of the ceramic material, I consider that the object in itself exists. This statement does not imply that there is a standardized conception or system in analyzing artefacts.

As an example of a standardization is the hierarchical scheme Stephen Plog makes to analyse ceramics from Chevelon Canyon in the American southwest. He considers that attributes are the basic units of design classification.165

In this work he gives several attributes, following the method of hierarchical analysis, delineating two different groups of design organization, primary and secondary units, which are basic geometrical shapes of the design. The distinction between primary and secondary designs is that the former are painted first, and that the latter are added to the primary design or in their location dependent of the configuration. Each level in the classification system represents a different decision made by the potter. Employing methods departing from the concept that the attribute is the only thing taken for granted, reduces the artefact, in a certain sence, to being just attribute combinations.

The traditional way of grouping pottery into type series, has been based primarily on the assumption that pottery changes in the course of time. In combination with absolute datings, this method is suitable, but can hardly ever give a better understanding about the people who made the pots. The method gives problems when distinguishing between pots within one large group, as there are fewer differences in shape. There are also problems when dealing with vessels fired in an open fire, as sherds with different colours can belong to the same vessel.166

164Cf HÉLÈNE BALFET, ‘Ethnographical observations in North Africa and archaeological

interpretation’. Ceramics and man (ed F R Matson). Chicago 1965, pp 161-177; ‘Methods of formation and the shape of pottery’. M d of p. pp 171-197; ‘Fabrication de poterie à Djerba (Tunisie), Contribution aux recherches sur le tour de potier’. Actes du VIe Congrés International des Sciences Anthropologiques et Ethnologiques, II, Vol 1. (Paris 1963), pp 499-503.

165STEPHEN PLOG, Stylistic variation in prehistoric ceramics. Design analysis in the American Southwest. Cambridge 1980, pp 14-24, 117-119.

166Cf ABRAHAM VAN AS in ‘Reconstructing the potter's craft’. M d of p. pp 129-159, where he discusses a tecno-analytical method in opposition to the concept “type” and a traditional descriptive classification, pp 134-144.

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The intended function affects the choice of clay and other raw materials, the forming technique, the distribution, the longevity and the reason and place of discard.167 The attributes chosen in this study are therefore considered as essential for the planned use of the vessel and are conditioned of supposed concious choices in a labour process.

Widespread acceptance of the concept ware is a function of the belief that the wares are both discrete and easily identifiable entities. Groups and types that result from ware based sorting are archaeological constructions that may have little in common with how ceramic items were manufactured, used, reused, and final deposited. The grouping or classification should bear the research problem being investigated and the groups would be interpreted in a meaningful fashion, including the choices and problems encountered in production and the adjustment made in the choiced raw materials in order to arrive at a finish product.168

This study aims to, among other things, reconstruct the manufacturing process of the ceramics.169 Also other labour processes where ceramic technology and ceramic items takes a part are interesting. In order to group the ceramic material, a kind of quantity method is employed where the different properties and attributes are studied and in certain cases combined.

The grouping of fabrics in this study is consequently mainly based on the analysis of raw materials, i e raw clays and temper material. The theory and method of ceramic petrology are discussed in detail by Anna Shepard.

I depart from the nonplastic inclusions of the paste and the technique employed in the manufacture of ceramics when forming, firing and finishing the vessel. The different criteria chosen concerning the raw material permits a rough division of the material into two main groups, ceramics with great amount of coarse grained nonplastic inclusions, coarse ware, and ceramics with none or low amount of fine grained non plastic inclusions, fine ware. The concept of ware is here employed only concidering the fabric or clay body with its different properties depending on the choice of raw material and manufacturing technique, and not taking the surface treatment into consideration.

The remaining criteria over lap in part each other, and most of them are represented in both groups. The different combinations giving obvious groups also might in part overlap the two general groups. Studying the different properties and the relation between them, the reasons for their use, and the kinds of manipulations required to arrive at the final ceramic product gives the possibility of grouping the material into subgroups which could be called types. Further an analysis of the distribution and the find context in comparison with the grouping of the material, strengthen in turn the accuracy and significance of the different types.170

167JOHN A RILEY, ‘Pottery analysis and the reconstruction of ancient exchange systems. M d of p. pp

55-73. 168cf TERESITA MAJEWSKI & MICHAEL O'BRIEN, ’The use and misuses of nineteenth-century English

and American ceramics in archaeological analysis‘. Advances in archaeological method and theory, vol 11 (ed Michael B Schiffer), San Diego New York 1987, pp 97-209, pp 99-102. SANDER VAN DER LEEUW, ’Dust to dust: a transformational view of the ceramic cycle‘. M d of p. pp 707-773, p 57.

169The significance of reconstructing the entire manufacturing process is discussed by ABRAHAM VAN AS, op cit, pp 129-159.

170For a discussion of the concepts class, group, ware, and type in North American archaeological studies, see TERESITA MAJEWSKI & MICHAEL O'BRIEN, op cit, pp 97-131.

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The following criteria were chosen for the analysis of the sample from El Pichao. The observations were made with microscope on a fresh fracture of the ceramic fragment in field, after washing and marking the sherds.171

Technical description of the paste. 1. The different nonplastic inclusions as observed with magnifier (hand lense) and

binocular. 2. Grain size judged microscopically adopting a scale 1-5, where 1 is very fine and 5

very coarse.1: <0,125 mm; 2: 0,125 mm - 0,25 mm; 3: 0,5 mm - 0,25 mm; 4: 1 - 0,5 mm; 5: 1< mm.172 Observations concerning homogeneous and heterogeneos grain size.

3. The amount of nonplastic inclusions, adopting a scale 1-5, where 1 is a very low amount of nonplastic inclusions and 5 very high. This is at present a subjective judgment.

Description of manufacturing technique 1. The apparent texture. The apparent texture is influenced by grain size, shape,

grading and percentage of inclusions, colour relations of clay and inclusions, and texture of the clay.173

2. Surface texture. 3. Colour of the paste - interior surface, exterior surface, and nucleus. 4. Firing conditions. 5. Surface finish, both interior and exterior surface, e g brushed, smoothed, brushed

with corn knob, coarse slipped, slipped, polished, untreated, amount of muscovite on surface or in slip if differing from the paste.

6. Technique of decoration, e g painted, impressions, incisions, engraved, application. 7. Colour of decoration. There are also observations concerning the forming technique of the vessel.

Remaining observations concerning the fragment's present condition. 1. Measurements of the fragment with ruler or finer measurements - total height, total

width and thickness in mm. Diameter in cm if part of rim subjectively is big enough to give a measurable curve.

2. Vessel part, i e handle, rim, lip, base, body, neck. 3. Object - if recognizable vesselform, open vessel, closed vessel, urn, bowl, etc. 4. Design motif. 5. A drawing is made of the fragment if it is decorated or if it is a part of lip, rim,

base, handle or neck. There are also drawings of fragments subjectively judged interesting in other aspects. Some fragments are also photographed, both in their context, and during analysis.

If it is judged as necessarily, further observations are made, por example if the frag-ment is worned or eroded, or if it has rounded edges due to watertransportation.

171My work is much inspired by BIRGITTA HULTHÉN, On ceramic technology during the Scanian

Neolithic and Bronze age. Stockholm 1977; Cf for Argentinian examples MARIA BEATRIZ CREMONTE, ‘Alcances y objetivos de los estudios tecnológicos en la cerámica arqueológica’. Anales de arquelogía y etnología (Mendoza), tomos 38-40, pp 179-217. MARIA BEATRIZ CREMONTE, ‘Un estudio sistemático de los denominados vasos libatorios’. Publicaciones Larda, año 5, nr 18. Universidad nacional de La Plata 1984; ANNA O SHEPARD, op cit.

172ANNA O SHEPARD, op cit, p 118, following Wentworth's size classification. 173ANNA O SHEPARD, op cit, p 119.

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10.3 The sample of El Pichao1990

The ceramic sample here analysed is chosen concerning the archaeological context and comes from different kinds of structures or constructions. The field campaign of 1990 comprised excavations in four types of constructions, i e a household complex, a terraced construction supposed for domestic settlement, an agriculture terrace complex, and a grave field. The ceramic sample originates from these four different units and has been chosen in consultation with respective excavation leader. Each fragment has been washed and marked with an individual find number, in order to make it easy to identify.

Table 10.1 Number of sherds analysed, El Pichao 1990

Excavation Unit Number of sherds

Sector III, unit 1, trench 15 786 Sector IV, trench 11 99 Sector XI, trench 13 140 Sector VIII, trench 19 120

Total 1145

10.3.1 Groups in the material

At present it is possible to present a summary in seven points of the hitherto reached results.

1. Locally made ceramics and imported ceramics

Comparing the results of the ceramic analysis from 1990 year field campaign with the results of the ceramics registered in detail from the campaign of 1989, there is an important conclusion to be drawn concerning the organisation of the production.

Imported ceramics

In the big rectangular structure excavated in 1989 (Figure 3.1, unit 1), 12 fragments were found in trench 2, containing graphite in the paste. This fabric is called Graphite ware in the report of El Pichao 1989. The fragments derive with certainty from two different vessels, and similar ware has not been found at the site besides a stray find from sector XI. Some of the fragments are decorated with geometrical incisions.

At the prospection of 1989 we also found four fragments deriving from sector XII of a fabric that can be assigned to the Spanish period, the so called Yocavíl ware.174 One 174Cf ANA MARÍA LORANDI, MARÍA BEATRIZ CREMONTE & VERONICA WILLIAMS, ‘Identificación

étnica de los Mitmakuna instalados en el estblecimiento incaico Potrero-Chaquiago’. Unpubl paper

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fragment if this type was also found during the field work of 1990 in sector IV.175 This type was further found and documented at the first colonial province capital of Tucumán, today the archaeological site of Ibatín.

These two fabrics, or wares, I consider to have been brought from outside to the site of El Pichao, and they constitute a very small group in relation to the hitherto analysed ceramics. The first group, the Graphite ware, may also be attributed to an earlier period, although the stratigraphic circumstances points to the former possible conclusion.176

Locally made ceramics

The conclusion to be drawn considering the remaining group of pottery, is that it may have been locally manufactured. The non plastic inclusions forming part of the paste are relatively homogeneous, and the raw materials can be found naturally in the environments. The manufacture technique and forming technique of the vessels point at the same direction. Similar results have been reported from other sites that at present are being investigated of Argentinian archaeologs in northwestern Argentina.

2. Raw material sources

As the main part of the pottery is locally made, the raw material sources are to be found inside or at the nearest surroundings of the site. It appears from the ethno-archaeological litterature that the raw material sources can be found at as most a half days walk from the pottery manufacturing activity area.177

Residual and sedimentary clay deposits

Residual clays (primary clay deposits) are formed by the disintegration of rock formations in situ, and have not been transported by natural agencies, and contain consequently the same minerals as the surrounding or indigeneos rocks and bedrock.178 Sedimentary clay (secondary clay deposits) are formed by sedimentation of eroded material and have been transported by natural agencies. Residual clays tend to be coarse and contain less fine material than do sedimentary clays, and are therefore less plastic and with less strength in the dry state than the latter.179

The examination of the paste and of the non plastic inclusions made it possible to divide the fabrics into three different groups. The biggest group is manufactured by a coarse grained residual clay, containing naturally quartz and mica. The second group is a

presented at the XI Congreso Nacional de arqueología chilena, Santiago 1989, 18 pp. This article points at a different conclusion, as the Yocavíl ware is supposed to be locally made by foreigners installed at the site. However, the proportion of Yocavíl ware at El Pichao is so diminutive and limited that it is hard to belive that it could be locally made in this case.

175See CECILIA ERICSON's contribution, this report, part 14, the description of site 56. 176Cf the contribution by VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO and MARTA R A TARTUSI, this report, part 2

and part 5, about the grey or black polished fragments with incisions found in sector I. Cf also SUSANA SJÖDIN, ‘Ceramics of El Pichao. Problems and methods in ceramic classification’. El Pichao 1989. The first report of the project Emergence and growth of centres. (unpubl prel version, Göteborg 1990).

177LIDIA CLARA GARCÍA, ’Etnoarqueología: manufactura de cerámica en Alto Sapagua‘, Arqueología contemporanea Argentina, (ed Hugo Daniel Yacabacito et al), Buenos Aires 1988, pp 33-58, p 35.

178W E WORRALL, Clays and ceramic raw material. New York 1975, pp 48-52. Cf also WILLIAM O PAYNE, ’Kilns and ceramic technology of ancient Mesoamerica‘. Archaeological ceramics (eds Jaqueline S Olin & Alan D Franklin), Washington DC 1982, pp 189-192, p 189.

179W E WORRALL, Clays and ceramic raw material. New York 1975, pp 48-52.

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coarse grained sedimentary clay with inclusions of minimal quartz and mica grains, and the third group is a very coarse sedimentary clay with abundant amounts of mica.180

This implies that we might suppose at least three different sources for raw clays represented in the ceramic sample, with the exception made for the above mentioned imported ceramics.

3. The temper amount and grain size

The ceramic sample may obviously be divided into two big groups concerning the tempering material and amount, the grain size of the non plastic inclusions, and the manufacturing technique. The difference between the two groups, coarse ware respectively fine ware, might for the main part, be explained in terms of the planned use for the vessels, due to that it was utilized the same clay raw materials, but adding different temper and temper amount to the different wares.

Non plastic inclusions

The tempering material is relatively homogeneous, the commonest non plastic inclusions being quartz, muscovite and biotite, i e crushed rock material. Some fragments contains grog, i e crushed sherd fragments. Grog can be found in both groups, and there is no stratigraphical or distributional tendency in the material concerning this tempering technique. To use grog for tempering is something rather special, and have been considered to be characteristic for the eastern Andes.181 This tempering technique of the clay gives a fabric which is frost resistant, advantageous if the vessel is intended to be placed in the open air. A paste made of grog could also be utilized to mend small fissures appearing before the firing, and this might give a possible explanation to why there is no tendency in the ceramic material concerning grog temper neither concerning fabric nor the spatial distribution.182

Feldspar, tourmalin, garnet, among other minerals, are also to be found, but these elements are to be considered as natural components in the bedrock and have been added more as a coincidence during the preparation of the clay and temper. There is also obsidian and other at present not identified minerals, as black mineral grains, but in very little proportions.183 These different minerals could also been added accidental during the preparation of the paste. The grain size and the amount of non plastic inclusions varies however substanstially, and gives a grouping of the ceramic sample into two different groups.

Coarse ware

The fragments assigned to the group of coarsed tempered fabrics, coarse ware, have thick walls and have belonged to rather large vessels, often wide, supposedly for food preparing, cooking pots or storing vessels. The paste is more porous and the grain size 180See OLE STILBORG's thinsection analysis, this report part 11, which supports the results, and states

that the latter clay may have been deposited at a lake environment, due to silicified plant rests. 181ROGGER RAVINES, op cit, p 405. Cf also ANA MARÍA LORANDI, MARÍA BEATRIZ CREMONTE &

VERONICA WILLIAMS, op cit, p 7, where the ceramic from Santiago del Estero, the so called Averías, is characterized for being grog tempered.

182LIDIA CLARA GARCÍA, ’Etnoarqueología: manufactura de cerámica en Alto Sapagua‘, Arqueología contemporanea Argentina, (ed Hugo Daniel Yacabacito et al), Buenos Aires 1988, pp 33-58. On p 41 in the article, Doña Daniela Lamas is cited. She informs the use of a paste made of goat liver and chamotte to remend the fissure in a vessel appeared before the firing.

183See OLE STILBORG, op cit, for more detailes.

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of the inclusions are bigger, which support the assumption that these vessels were intended for household tasks.

Fine ware

The smaller group, constituting about 1/3 of the ceramic sample, the fine ware, displays a great variation in the manufacturing technique and shape. The thinner walls might have been formed with N-technique and the paddle-and-anvil method, which can be traced in the fractures of the fragments. Here are both opened and closed vessels, showing a great variation of sizes.

4. Choice of raw materials and manufacturing technique

Beside the rough division into two groups, there is a variation if departing from the amount of non plastic inclusions of the temper and the clay. Different choices of raw material, of the amount of temper and different manufacturing techniques gives different goups, and a further analyse detects the following variation.184

All three clay sources have been used for fabrics fired in both reducing and oxidizing atmosphere.

Coarse grained clay sources wares

Coarse grained clay sources wares dominates in all examinated units. The wares emanating from this clay sources are to be found both amongst the fine and the coarse wares. The ware is often brick red, the coarse tempered vessels can be brownish red to greyish. There are both opened and closed vessels.

The coarse grained residual clay were particularly used to manufacture the common ware for every day use dominating in the material from the habitation areas of the site. The temper consists of crushed and grounded bed rock material, giving a medium coarse to coarse use ware with inclusions of quartz, feldspar, muscovite, biotite, etc. In certain cases there also can be found grog. The ffagments are often coated with a coarse slip, and brushed or surface treated with a maiz knob leaving impressions on the exterior.

This coarse grained clay source has also been used for finer wares, adding finer crushed rock or without any temper. The vessels have been fired in an oxidizing atmosphere and are often white slipped and decorated with black geometric motifs.

Red polished ware

The red polished ware belongs to the same raw clay group as the coarse ware, but with no further temper added.

Remaining small groups with the same raw materials and similar manufacture are: smoothed ceramics (brown, grey, red, buff smoothed wares). The wares are often thin walled, with compact and fine fabric, minimal grain size, with no decoration or with black painted geometric motifs. The red ware is not common, and it does not appear at all excavated units, i e no fragments in the samples examinated from the fill material of the grave and sector IV.

184Cf OLE STILBORG's contribution in this report, part 11.

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Black and grey polished wares

The black and grey polished groups may be considered to belong to the same ware group, as they are manufactured of the same fine grained raw clay material, a sedimentary formed clay with inclusions of especially quartz. This ware group is consequently to be found amongst the Fine ware group.

The ware is compact and hard, with homogeneous sized fine grains in the clay. There is no temper added, and in some few cases there are grog tempered fragments.

The walls are thin. Vessel forms are very uniform, an open, semispherical bowl, puco. The black and grey polished wares are found in relatively small proportions, but in

spite of that there are fragments in all examinated units, except for in the fill material of the grave, sector XI. Just one fragment was found in sector IV, the agricultural terraced area. It was surface collected and belonged to the black polished ware.

Black or red mica ware

The red and black wares containing very high amounts of mica, belong to the group Coarse wares, the clay being very coarse and of a residual type. The mica wares have been found in all investigated units. The clay source is characterized by the rich amount of muscovite and biotite and there can also be grains of quartz.

Reducing atmosphere gives the blackish or grey varities of the ware and oxidizing the red varities of the ware. The black ware dominates, and the red ware can be decorated with black painted geometric decoration, in a band following the rim or round the body. There can also be applications and engravings on the black wares. The vessels can be very thin walled, but have often medium thich walls.

This ware-group is very interesting in the following discussion of changing raw material sources due to economic changes.

5. Surface finish

An important observation is that the surface finish in almost all cases cannot be tied to a specific fabric or group. The following methods of finish treatment of the surface are seen in both the Coarse ware and Fine ware groups:

coating with coarse slip marleado - surface treated with corn knob leaving characteristic marks brushed coarse slipped and marleado coarse slipped and brushed white or red fine slip slipped and painted with black (and red) geometric motifs slipped and with applications and painted black (and red) geometric motifs smoothed polished

The following method of finish treatment of the surface is only to be found in the Fine ware group

polished with incisions or engravings (only black or grey polished wares)

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As the same surface finish can appear in both the Coarse ware group and the Fine ware group, just a combination of fabric and surface finish is not enough to define a type. A fragment can also show different surface finishes on exterior and interior surface, i e white slip on interior surface and marleado on exterior surface.

6. Grain size, amount of non plastic inclusions, and surface finish

Small grain size

The analysed sample from sector XI belongs to the grave fill material. The archaeological context implies that the fill material belonged to an earlier grave field, and that this former grave's ceramics were reutilized in the construction of the graves.

The fill material's ceramic fragments have fabrics often characterized of being more compact and thin walled than fragments from the habitational area. The fabrics have in those cases a smaller and more homogeneous grain size, a fact that might be explained with the absence of tempering material. There are fragments with a high amount of temper, but they appear in relativity small proportions comparing with the sample taken as a whole. This fact could indicate a somewhat differing manufacturing technique for the main part of the grave material, in comparison with the ceramics from the rest of the site. There might be a cronological reason for this difference, but it is not very plausible, as the archaeological context points at another direction, i e that the fill material belongs to an earlier period, and an earlier grave field, than the grave material from inside the grave construction, and may thus belong to the same period as the sample analyzed from the habitational zone.

The fragments are often decorated with black geometric motifs. It seems that they are to be considered as a reused refuse material, originating from a waste deposition, as they represent a higher amount of vessels than the amount of fragments reasonably can represent.

Coarse grain size and high amount of non plastic inclusions

The coarse ceramic, the group Coarse ware, may be considered as utility cermics used especially in the household's labour processes and in other labour processes. Different surface treatments may indicate different purposes of use, as cooking, containers for liquids, storing. Fragments coated with a coarse slip, with a brushed surface, or with a marleado treated surface, may have been cooking pots. The fragments with a white slipped surface and black geometric decorations, the so called Santa María-ceramics, which are coarse tempered, may have been liquid containers, storing vessels or serving pots.

The ware is often brownish red or greyish, and constitutes the major part of the pottery of the habitational area.

White slipped ceramic

The White slipped ceramic is to be found both in the Fine ware group and in the Coarse ware group. The different manufacturing techniques employed in preparation of the clay and temper may thus be considered as more significant for the vessels intentional use than the decoration employed. There is further no stratigraphic evidence that the black and red decorated fragments (Santa María tricolor) might be earlier than the black

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decorated ones (Santa María bicolor).185 The white slipped ceramic is found in all contexts, and the majority of the pots were with certainty used in different domestic tasks and labour processes.

Red slipped ceramic

The red slipped group belongs to the same fabrics and raw clay source ware group as the white slipped and coarse ware group. If the fragments are decorated, i e painted with black geometrical motifs, the motifs are the same as the white slipped fragments. The are a few fragments deriving from the habitational area, but they are dispersed both vertically and horisontally, and there are no indications of any tendency in the material. The conclusion is that they are not to be considered as a separate group with a specific utility, but should be seen as belonging to the same group as the white slipped group. To be mentioned here is the fact that there are vessels in part red slipped and in part white slipped deriving from the site of Quilmes. The same could be the case at El Pichao, but there are hitherto no whole slipped vessels found.

7. Types in the material

Within the same ware or surface finish group, there are different groups of ceramics, but there is no basic unitarily system of division to be found in the material. An analysis of the different properties of the raw materials and manufacturing techniques, gives, however, a grouping of the material based on the intentional use of the pottery.186 These groups could be confirmed as types when comparing with the spatial distribution and the archaeological context, as the case is with the fill material from the grave field of sector XI in comparison with the habitational area.187

Black mica ware and Red mica ware is to be considered as belonging to the same group of ceramic. The variation in colour can not be assigned to any difference in the intentional use or to the apparent shape. The fragments are very homogeneous, when analysing the properties of paste and the manufatcturing technique. They belong to the group Coarse ware and the vessels are being used as utility ware and are also to be found as grave goods.188

Black and grey polished ware shows a high degree of homogenity in the properties of raw material and manufacturing technique. The ware belongs to the group Fine ware, and have very likely been used as containers, to serve food, or to be “show vessels”. Future studies will indicate if there is any spatial variation to be connected with this ware group, both between different types of constructions inside the site taken as a whole, and inside specific room structures.

185ANA MARÍA LORANDI and ROXANA BOIXADÓS reports the same conclusion in Etnohistoría de los

valles Calchaquíes de los siglos XVI y XVII. Paper to be publ. Instituto de ciencias antropológicas, Facultad de filosofía y letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires 1988, p 125.

186CF VINCAS P STEPONAITIS, op cit, where the author discusses the changes of pottery techniques as fundamentally technological, rather than stylistic.

187Cf ABRAHAM VAN AS, ‘Reconstructing the potter's craft’. M d of p. pp 129-159, where the author discusses how the technical pottery analyses, departing from the archaeological material, helps to explain phenomena concerning the typological work giving the typologies an increasing significance.

188Cf NILS JOHANSSON's contribution, this report, part 6.

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The Coarse grained clay source wares group displays a great variation. The same surface treatment and clay raw sources are represented in both of the groups Fine and Coarse wares, but the manufacturing techniques variates. Different choices of temper amount and surface treatment, in combination with different shaping technique gives different fabrics, apt for different uses. In this group there should consequently be different types represented. A division into types departing from the intentional use of the pot is, at the present stage of investigation, difficult to make, but comparing with the spatial distribution certain assumptions can be drawn.

Comparing the spatial distribution of ceramics and ware group a distinct variation can be seen concerning the white slipped Coarse grained clay source group, the so called Santa María ceramic, often decorated with black geometric painted motifs. The sherds deriving from the habitational area are in the majority of the cases coarser tempered than the sherds deriving from the fill material of the grave field in sector XI. The main observation is that the material from the habitational area apparently consists of fragments deriving in the most part from utility vessels with thicker walls, while the fill material's sherds from sector XI are “show vessels”.

The utility vessels, supposedly used as food preparing vessels, are often coarse slipped in combination with a brushed or marleado treated surface. Pots used for storing of staple food, as corn or beans, would have a lighter ware, not affected of food preparing over open fire. Liquid holders perhaps were more porous, in order to keep the water or liquid fresh by a cooling evaporation.

The red slipped and red polished goups belong to the Fine ware, but are manufactured by the same coarse raw residual clay that the above mentioned. This finer ware is not tempered, or tempered with small amounts of sand or finer crushed rock, and with no decoration as so far seen in the material. This gives four different types with different amount of temper or non plastic inclusions, and with different degree of coarseness of the paste. The surface treatment should also be considered, and compared with the spatial distribution within the habitational area as well as within the household unit, to supposedly give a clearer insight of the use of these different wares.

References

BALFET, HÉLÈNE, ‘Ethnographical observations in North Africa and archaeological interpretation’. Ceramics and man (ed F R Matson). Chicago 1965, pp 161-177.

BALFET, HÉLÈNE, ‘Fabrication de poterie à Djerba (Tunisie), Contribution aux recherches sur le tour de potier’. Actes du VIe Congrés International des Sciences Anthropologiques et Ethnologiques, II, Vol 1. (Paris 1963), pp 499-503.

BALFET, HÉLÈNE, ‘Methods of formation and the shape of pottery’. M d of p. pp 171-197. BINFORD, LEWIS R, ‘Archaeological perspectives’. New perspectives in archaeology (eds L R Binford

& S R Binford). Chicago 1968, pp 5-32 BRAUN, DAVID P ’Pots as tools‘. Archaeological hammers and theories (eds A Keene & J Moore). New

York 1983, pp 107-134 Ceramics and man (ed F R Matson). Chicago 1965. CORNELL, LASSE, Arbete och arbetsformernas utveckling. Göteborg 1986. CORNELL, PER, Emergence and growth of centres in the Andes. Göteborg 1988. pp 18-31. CREMONTE, MARIA BEATRIZ, ‘Alcances y objetivos de los estudios tecnológicos en la cerámica

arqueológica’. Anales de arquelogía y etnología (Mendoza), tomos 38-40, pp 179-217. CREMONTE, MARIA BEATRIZ, ‘Un estudio sistemático de los denominados vasos libatorios’.

Publicaciones Larda, año 5, nr 18. Universidad nacional de La Plata 1984.

97

FORD, JAMES A, ‘On the concept of types: the type concept revisited’. American Anthropologist, 56 (1954), pp 42-54.

GARCÍA, LIDIA CLARA, ’Etnoarqueología: manufactura de cerámica en Alto Sapagua‘, Arqueología contemporanea Argentina, (ed Hugo Daniel Yacabacito et al), Buenos Aires 1988, pp 33-58.

HILL, J N & P R EVANS, ‘A model for classification and typology’. Models in archaeology (ed D L Clake). London 1972, pp 231-274.

HODDER, IAN R, Symbols in action. Cambridge 1982. HULTHÉN, BIRGITTA, On ceramic technology during the Scanian Neolithic and Bronze Age.

Stockholm 1977. LORANDI, ANA MARÍA & ROXANA BOIXADÓS, Etnohistoría de los valles Calchaquíes de los siglos

XVI y XVII. Paper to be publ. Instituto de ciencias antropológicas, Facultad de filosofía y letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires 1988.

LORANDI, ANA MARÍA, MARÍA BEATRIZ CREMONTE & VERONICA WILLIAMS, ‘Identificación étnica de los Mitmakuna instalados en el estblecimiento incaico Potrero-Chaquiago’. Unpubl paper presented at the XI Congreso Nacional de arqueología chilena, Santiago 1989, 18 pp.

MAJEWSKI, TERESITA & MICHAEL O'BRIEN, ’The use and misuses of nineteenth-century English and American ceramics in archaeological analysis‘. Advances in archaeological method and theory, vol 11 (ed Michael B Schiffer), San Diego New York 1987, pp 97-209.

MAJEWSKI, TERESITA & MICHAEL O'BRIEN, op cit, pp 97-131. MALMER, MATS P, Metodproblem inom Järnålderns konsthistoria, Lund 1963. The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw &

A C Pritchard), Amsterdam 1984. MILLER, D, ‘Structures and strategies: an aspect of the relationship between social hierarchy and

cultural change’. Symbolic and structural archaeology (ed I Hodder). Cambridge 1982, pp 89-98. MONTELIUS, OSCAR Die typologische Methode, Stockholm 1904. PAYNE, WILLIAM O, ’Kilns and ceramic technology of ancient Mesoamerica‘. Archaeological

ceramics (eds Jaqueline S Olin & Alan D Franklin), Washington DC 1982, pp 189-192. PLOG, STEPHEN, Stylistic variation in prehistoric ceramics. Design analysis in the American

Southwest. Cambridge 1980, pp 14-24, 117-119. Pots and potters: current approaches in ceramic archaeology (ed Rice). Los Angeles 1984. RILEY, JOHN A, ‘Pottery analysis and the reconstruction of ancient exchange systems. The many

dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard), Amsterdam 1984, pp 55-73.

SHEPARD, ANNA O, Ceramics for the archaeologist. Washington 1956. SJÖDIN, SUSANA, ‘Ceramics of El Pichao. Problems and methods in ceramic classification’. El Pichao

1989. The first report of the project Emergence and growth of centres. (unpubl prel version, Göteborg 1990).

STEPONAITIS, VINCAS P, ’Technological studies of prehistoric pottery from Alabama: Physical properties and vessel function’. The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard), Amsterdam 1984, pp 79-122.

VAN AS, ABRAHAM, ‘Reconstructing the potter's craft’.The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard), Amsterdam 1984. pp 129-159.

VAN DER LEEUW, SANDER,‘From dust to dust: a transformational view of the ceramic cycle’. The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard), Amsterdam 1984, pp 707-773.

W E WORRALL, Clays and ceramic raw material. New York 1975

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11. Report of thin section analysis of six ceramic fragments from El Pichao

Ole Stilborg, Department of archaeology, University of Copenhagen

The aim of this pilot investigation was to test the macro microscopical studies carried out by Sven Ahlgren and Susana Sjödin during the field campaign of 1990 at El Pichao, Argentina.

11.1 Thin section analysis

A 0.03 mm thick slice of pottery mounted on a glass plate - a thin section - may be analysed in a petrographic microscope. This enables the ceramologist to study the amount and nature of the natural nonplastic inclusions of the clay; the accessory minerals (f ex ore, olivine, zircon); the content of mica and iron oxide and possible calciumcarbonate or micro organic remains. Furthermore any added temper, its nature and the amount may be discerned. In some cases it is also possible to find traces of the vessel building technique.

11.2 The material

The six sherds analyzed were found in structure 3, unit 1, sector III, El Pichao.

Thin section 1: (5768-2) A 6 mm thick body fragment from a bowl. The outer surface is smoothed and the sherd is painted both inside and outside with 0.5 - 1 cm broad, vertical going bands. The vessel was fired in an oxidizing atmosphere. The sherd originates from level 5b, square 19, i e the lower floor level.

Thin section 2: (5769-1) An 11 mm thick body fragment from a larger vessel. The outer surface is coated with coarse slip. The vessel was fired in a reducing atmosphere, possibly with a short oxidizing phase at the end of the firing process. The sherd originates from level 6, square 19.

Thin section 3: (1) A 9 mm thick body fragment. The surfaces are polished and the outside is decorated with incised, concentric curves. The vessel was fired in a reducing atmosphere. The sherd originates from level 3b, square 19, i e the upper floor level.

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Thin section 4: (2) An 8 mm thick body fragment. The outer surface is fine slipped. The vessel was fired in a reducing atmosphere. The sherd originates from level 3b, square 19, i e the upper floor level.

Thin section 5: (5764-1) A 10 mm thick body fragment from a larger vessel. The outer surface is smoothed and painted with 0.5 cm broad, black, horizontal bands. The vessel was fired in an oxidizing atmosphere. The sherd originates from level 2, square 19.

Thin section 6: (5766-1) A 6 mm thick neck/body fragment. The outer surface is smoothed and characterized by a large amount of small flakes of mica. The vessel was fired in an oxidizing atmosphere. The sherd originates from level 3b, square 19, i e the upper floor level.

In addition, two body fragments, 5771-6 (level 8, square 19) and 5750-4 (level 4, square 17), similar to the sherds above are analyzed in a binocular microscope. They are both of a fabric closely related to thin section no 1.

11.3 Results

The results of the clay and temper analyses are first treated separately, and subsequently grouped into significant ware groups.

11.3.1 Clay

A. 4 sherds - thin sections no 1, 2, 4, and 5 - are made of a a fine to coarse grained raw

clay (silt is well to rich represented and sand sparsely to well represented). The clay contains a very high amount of mica and also a fair to rich amount of iron oxide. Furthermore it contains some sand grains of pumice and may contain single grains of limestone, though the clay in itself is lime-free. Occurring accessory minerals are some ore, olivine, zircon, and other undefined dark minerals (the main part probably hornblende).

B. 1 sherd - thin section no 6 - is made of a lime-free, very micaceous and ferriferous,

and very coarse clay (rich amount of silt and sand). The lack of grains of pumice distinguishes this fragment from group A. It also contains rather large flakes of biotite (mica).

C. 1 sherd - thin section no 3 - is made of a coarse (high amount of silt), lime-free,

micaceous and ferriferous clay with a few sand grains of pumice. The accessory minerals are the same as in group A and B - ore, olivine, and other dark minerals, but the amount of olivine needles and grains is considerably greater. The fact that clearly distinguishes

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this clay from group A and group B, is the high amount of microorganic inclusions, presumably silicified plant remains. This fact indicates that this clay may have been deposited in a lake environment.

11.3.2 Temper

I. Rock Thin sections no 1 and 4 are tempered with 10 and 20 % (vol) crushed, slightly

wethered, granite/diorite. The maximum grain size is 1.2 and 2.6 mm respectively in proportion with the temper amount. The ware is homogenized well.

II. Sand Thin section no 5 is tempered with 21 % (vol) sand of pumice. The maximum grain

size is 0.75 mm, but most of the grains are between 0.3 and 0.5 mm. Some grains are probably natural inclusions of the raw clay itself, but the high amount of grains, in the otherwise very finely grained raw clay, and the uniform grain size indicate, that the main part must be interpreted as added sand temper. The ware is homogenized very well.

III. Grog Thin section no 2 is tempered with at least 12 % (vol) crushed ceramics (grog)

deriving from at least four different ware types. One of them has a high amount of mica and olivine. The maximum grain size is 2.5 mm. The quantity of grog temper as well as the number of ware types represented are minimal measures because of the difficulty in observing grog. The ware is homogenized to a sufficient degree.

IV. Natural temper Thin sections no 3 and 6, are made of coarse and very coarse sandy raw clays, to

which have not been added any further temper.

11.3.3 Ware groups

A I. Thin sections nos 1 and 4 found in level 5b (lover floor level) and 3b (upper floor

level), square 19, derive respectively from a small painted bowl (fired in an oxidizing atmosphere) and from a coarse slipped vessel (fired in a reducing atmosphere). They are made of a coarse, lime-free, micaceous raw clay with a few sand grains of pumice, and tempered with 10 and 20 % (vol) of crushed granite/diorite respectively (max grain 1.2 and 2.6 mm). This clay, which has been used for the manufacture of thin section sherds nos 2 and 5 as well, probably originates from a secondary clay deposit (i e a clay, that has been moved by wind or water away from the primary site of formation - by rock erosion). Sherd 5771-6 found in level 8, square 19, and sherd 5750-4 found in level 4, square 17, belong to the same ware group as thin section sherd no 1.

A II.

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Thin section sherd no 5, level 2, square 19, is from a large, painted vessel fired in an oxidizing atmosphere. It is made of a lime-free, micaceous raw clay tempered with 21 % sand of pumice.

A III. Thin section sherd no 2 is from a large, thick walled, coarse slipped vessel (fired in a

reducing atmosphere) found in level 6, square 19. It is made of a coarse, lime-free, micaceous raw clay, with sporadic sand grains of pumice and tempered with at least 12 % grog (max grain 2.5 mm) deriving from at least 4 different ware types (among them the local micaceous and olivine rich clay).

B/C IV. Thin section sherds nos 3 and 6 from medium sized vessels (fired in a reducing and an

oxidizing atmosphere respectively) found in level 3b, square 19, are made of coarse and very coarse sandy raw clays, with no further addition of temper.

The clay of thin section-sherd no 6 is characterized by the relatively large pieces of mica indicating that the clay was deposited nearer the primary clay deposit (site of formation) than the other raw clays analysed in this study. As it does not contain any grains of pumice, it is probably not a local material, although it is similar to the local clays in all other aspects.

The clay of thin section sherd no 3 was, as mentioned above, probably deposited in a lake environment, simultaneously with a certain amount of plant remains. The sorting of the non-plastic inclusions in the raw clay (a high amount of silt and few sand grains) points in the same direction.

11.4 Conclusions

From this limited pilot study it appears, that local micaceous raw clays of different qualities have been used in 2 or 3 different manufacturing traditions.

The first tradition, AI, used rock as temper, finely crushed for the oxidized fired vessels and coarsely crushed for the reduced fired household vessels. The tradition is found at levels 8, 5, 4 and 3b, and is thus in continuous use during the whole habitation period of the structure. Ware group A II, which is charaterized by its sand temper, could be a variant or development of the fine ware of this tradition. The vessel is of the oxidized fired, painted type, and the sherd is found at level 2.

Ware group A III, which is represented by a large, coarse slipped, oxidized/reduced fired vessel, is clearly different from A I being tempered with grog. As it was found at level 6, it can hardly be considered a development of the tradition A I, but rather as a - perhaps experimentally - adopted feature of an alien technique used on local materials.

Ware group B/C IV is represented by two sherds of fine ware from level 3b. Both sherds are made of coarse/very coarse raw clays that diverges from the clays here designated as probable local materials. None of them has been added any further temper.

The pumice in thin section sherd no 3 indicates on the other hand, that it may be a local lake-deposited raw clay, and thus the sherd would represent a third local manufacturing tradition using silty clays with no addition of temper.

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Thin section sherd no 6, with no pumice, apparently is a product of non-local materials and furthermore the choice of such a coarse raw clay is alien to the local traditions as described here.

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Table 11.1 Results of thin section analysis

Thin section number 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Degree of Coarse Fine Coarse Coarse Fine Very coarse coarseness Clay: Silt - - + + • +

Sand - • • - • +

Lime •

Iron oxide + - - + + +

Konc of fer- ri hydrite • - - • • •

Mica ++ ++ + ++ ++ ++

Accessory minerals o, ol, z o, a, ol o, a, ol o, ol, z o,a, ol o, ol, z

Micro org remains +

Pumice - • • • • Temper: Natural temper * *

Granite * *

Sand *

Grog *

Max grain 1.2 2.5 0.7 2.6 0.7 1 size mm

Amount % (vol) 10 12 20 21 Vessel: Sherd thick- ness mm 6 11 9 8 10 6

Surface Smoothed Coarse Polished Coarse Smoothed Smoothed exterior slipped slipped

• = present - = well represented + = richly represented

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o = ore a = amphibole/pyroxene ol = olivine z = zircon

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12. The pottery of El Pichao - the process of production and the labour processes

Susana Sjödin, Department of archaeology, University of Gothenburg

12.1 The context of the process of production

A specific societies' process of production is a very complex phenomenom, which must be studied in its context to be fully understood. A process of production is the entity of a system of varied, continually repeated labour processes which are needed to make one or more products, and the social relations which evolves during these labour processes. The labour process is of a physical nature while the production process have both a physical and social form.189

My intention is consequently to depart from the production and study its organisation considering different aspects. The ceramic material is one of many obvious evidences of the production system of the prehistoric El Pichao. The production process is then not considered to give just a technical or æsthetical aspect, but also to contribute to a deeper insight of problems deeling with the labour organisation. It is essential to study both the prevailing division of labour (between individuals or households, or between members of a household) and the control of the means of production.190 Also the existing level of specialization, the bringing in of ceramics or alien techniques in the manufacturing of ceramics from other settlements or areas, the spatial division of different components and moments in the manufacture of ceramics, are in focus. The manufacture of pottery was one of many production processes in a specific mode of production. The manufacture of ceramics consists of several labour processes, and demands certain degree of concious labour organisation and labour division.191

189LASSE CORNELL, Arbete och arbetsformernas utveckling, Göteborg 1986, p 15. Cf also OSCAR

LANGE, Political economy, vol 2. Warsaw 1968, p 4. 190For a discussion of the household concept, see PER CORNELL's contribution, part 3.2, this report. 191The labour process consists of three elements: 1. the concious and purposeful human activity, the

labour, 2. the object it manipulates, 3. the means by which it operates. The object of labour is the material object which is transformed by labour, for example, the earth before

it is cultivated. Material means which transforms objects of labour are called means of labour. The means of labour is

what the worker places between himself and the object of labour, and by which he transfers the activity of work to the object of labour. When raw material is manipulated by work it becomes a mean of labour, for example, seed crops.

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The manufacture of ceramics, the technique and the decoration of the vessels, may comprise a certain degree of experiment or accidental events, but my point of departure is that the raw materials and the technique were, for the most part, conciously chosen for a predestinate area of use, and that manufacturing technique (including shape and finish) affects or influence use and durability.192 The use of the ceramic vessel is accordingly dependent of its manufacture - and contrariwise.

The production process is not given just a technical or æsthetic aspect, bus also an outlook towards questions concerning the organisation of work. Questions here considered interesting are, for example, both the prevailing division of labour (between individuals or between members of a household) and the control of the means of production, the level of specialization, the import of ceramics from other sites or areas, and the spatial distribution of the differents moments of the manufacture of ceramics.

12.2 Method

Which approaches are possible when studying the ceramic material and its context in the process of production? In the following I am going to mention five different methods.

1. Analysis of the material's own properties, a techno-analytical approach. At the present stage of the study, this is in focus. The different properties chosed to study, I consider conditioned of concious options in a labour process. By analysis of these different properties it is possible to find a variation in the material that makes it possible to group the pottery.

2. The searching for direct evidences of labour processes in the objects of labour and auxiliarity facilities. Raw material sources, implements, activity areas and places of manufacture, ceramic refuse, evidences of other labour processes than the direct ceramic manufacture where the knowledge of ceramic manufacture is involved, i e as mortar in walls and plastering, roof material, floor coating, metallurgy, textile, etc.

3. Related observations giving contributions to the understanding of the manufacturing process in a wider context. For example the limitations of the delimited structures, the rooms, and separate objects.

4. Archaeological datings as instruments to give an understanding of the chronological aspects. TL-analysis, stratigraphic researches, comparisons between materials from different contexts.

The means of labour which directly shape the object of labour are called tools of labour. Means of

labour necessary for the use of tools of labour are called auxiliary facilities, examples are all kinds of structures, kilns. watering systems, terracces, etc.

The product is the transformation of the object of labour by means of labour. KARL MARX, Kapitalet, I. Lund 1970, pp 153-160. OSCAR LANGE, Political economy, vol 2. Warsaw 1968, pp 4-10.

192 Cf for examples of the articles by VINCAS P STEPONAITIS, ’Technological studies of prehistoric pottery from Alabama: Physical properties and vessel function’ in M d of p. and D BRAUN, ’Pots as tools‘. Archaeological hammers and theories (eds A Keene & J Moore). New York 1983, pp 107-134.

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5. The use of general knowledge, in part based on ethnoarchaeological researches - in this case those concerned with the manufacture and labour processes of ceramics. The division of labour and how the work is organized, both in room and time, seasonal work, choices of raw material and manufacturing technique, etc.

12.3 The manufacture of pottery - ethnoarchaelogical evidence

As a background to the preliminary discussions about the production system, I will give a short description of the manufacturing process of ceramic, i e the labour processes of the ceramic.

This brief survey is partially based on the analysis of the material and partially on comparisons with ethnoarchaeological studies made in Jujuy and Peru by Lidia Clara García, Beatriz Cremonte, and Rogger Ravines.193

Collection of raw materials The clay's raw material sources are supposed to be found at the site or in the close

vicinity of the site. It is evident from the ethnoarchaeological litterature that the raw material sources could be found at up to a half days walking distance from the manufacturing place of the pottery. 194

Besides the raw clays, the following raw materials are essential in the manufacturing process of pottery: water, tempering material, fuel, and in some cases dyeing pigments (for slip and painted decoration).

In the collection of raw materials certain implements, or means of labour, for the gathering and transportation to the site are used. It is also of interest to study the division of labour during the collection and the storing of the raw materials at the site.195

Preparation of raw materials To crush and grind the tempering material certain implements and auxiliarity facilites,

as stones with plane surfaces, and morteros are needed. Implements and auxiliarity facilites, as stones with plane surfaces, for kneadning and

preparation of the raw clays. Slight elevation of the ground could also be utilized. The clay and temper have to be carefully mixed, and certain implements and

auxiliarity facilites are utilized.

Shaping and forming vessels Implements, working area, technique employed.

Drying the vessels before firing

193LIDIA CLARA GARCÍA, ’Etnoarqueología: manufactura de cerámica en Alto Sapagua‘, Arqueología

contemporanea Argentina, (ed Hugo Daniel Yacabacito et al), Buenos Aires 1988, pp 33-58; ROGGER RAVINES, ’Cerámica actual de Ccaccasiri, Huancavelica‘. Tecnología andina (ed R Ravines), Lima 1978, pp 447-466. Cf also OLE STILBORGS contribution in this report, part 11.

194LIDIA CLARA GARCÍA, ’Etnoarqueología: manufactura de cerámica en Alto Sapagua‘, Arqueología contemporanea Argentina, (ed Hugo Daniel Yacabacito et al), Buenos Aires 1988, pp 33-58, p 35.

195Cf WARREN R DEBOER's study of the ceramic industry of the Shipibo-Conibo, Peruvian Amazon, in ‘The last pottery show: system and sense in ceramic studies’. M d of p. pp 525-564, pp 530-549, where the acquisition of ceramic supplies is but a small task among other of the routinely made journeys.

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The area used, how the vessels are arranged, how long time the drying process requiers.

Surface treatment Study of implements used for slipping, polishing, coarse slipping, incisions, painting,

etc.

Firing I suppose that a possible firing method utilized at the ancient El Pichao could have

been of the type described in the ethnoarchaeological litterature for northwest Argentina. There are also similar descriptions concerning Peru.196 This supposition is based on the fact that we have not yet found any traces of kiln constructions or other foundations that could be connected with firing of ceramics.

Auxiliarity facilities The firing area have an oval or irregulate shape. It is placed near the dwellings. The

diameter varies from one to two metres. In descriptions from Peru, the firing area is restricted by a 0.40 m high wall made of stones. In the northwest of Argentina, Jujuy, a hollow or pit is digged to a depth of 0.5 - 1 metre.

The firing process After cleaning the firing area, dung of goat (Argentina) or llama (Peru) is spread out

on the pround. The dung is packed together to a compact floor. The vessels are placed in rows on the dung, with openings to opening or base to opening. The vessels are covered with a new layer of dung, which is the very fuel, but this time it is dung of bovines in the Argentinian example. It is important that the dung fills up all the cavities and not falls into the vessels. Further a layer of ass dung is spread out and wood as lighting material. In the Peruvian example everything is covered with straw.

The firing takes place a wind free day, and contiues for three hours in the Argentinian example and 20 - 30 hours in the Peruvian case. The vessels are left to cool before they are removed to be surface treated in different ways, depending on the intentional use of the vessels.

Finish treatment of the vessels Some vessels are polished after firing, decorated with engravings, etc. Cooking

vessels are rubbed with fats or prepared by, for example boiling soup in them, in order to make them water proof or good tasty.

196ROGGER RAVINES, ’Cerámica actual de Ccaccasiri, Huancavelica‘. Tecnología andina (ed R

Ravines), Lima 1978, pp 447-466, LIDIA CLARA GARCÍA, op cit.

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12.4 Conclusions concerning the process of production - archaeological evidence

12.4.1 Locally made pottery

A. The pottery is for the main part locally manufactured

The raw materials indicates that the ceramic, for the most part, is locally made. The properties of the wares are rather homogenous, and are found naturally in the geological environment.197 The manufacturing techniques and the shaping of vessels indicates also a local manufacture. Similar results are known from other sites, investigated by Argentinian archaeologists, in the northwest of Argentina.198

A small part of the analysed sherds, however, might have been brought, in one way or another, to the site of El Pichao. They are of two different manufacturing traditions.

The predominant part of the sherd sample has to be attributed to a local manufacture at the site of El Pichao. The production concerning the most part of the ceramics is supposed to be at a household level, i e no specialized work-shops or specialized artisans.199

Conclusion: there has been a local knowledge of pottery manufacture at the site of El Pichao. This fact in turn indicates that the site had certain degree of autonomity in relation to other sites in the valley. As this conclusion is based only on an analysis of the ceramic material, it might be of minor interest, but if this fact also could be proved for other labour processes, it would be of great importance for the context as a whole. We might also suppose, for instance, that the manufacture of quartz items is local, as there are quartz flakes over the whole site, i e refuse after a labour process. Obsidian artefacts, on the other side, might have been imported, due to the fact that finished products are found, but not yet identified refuse of the manufacture of obsidian objects.

12.4.2 Differentiated manufacture of ceramics

B. There is a differentiation of the pottery manufacture inside the site

I. The archaeological material

1. At least two local manufacturing processes There are categories in the ceramic material indicating at least two different

manufacturing processes for the ceramics. One of them, concerning the utility vessels, was essential for the household's survival. A great deal of work, knowledge, carefulness

197See OLE STILBORG's contribution in this report, part 11. 198ANA MARÍA LORANDI, MARÍA BEATRIZ CREMONTE & VERONICA WILLIAMS, ‘Identificación

étnica de los Mitmakuna instalados en el estblecimiento incaico Potrero-Chaquiago’. Unpubl paper presented at the XI Congreso Nacional de arqueología chilena, Santiago 1989, 18 pp.

199SANDER VAN DER LEEUW, ‘Dust to dust: a transformational view of the ceramic cycle’. M d of p. pp 705-773, pp 722, where he lists the variables for a household production of ceramics concerning the organisation, technology and economy of pottery making.

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for the raw materials and the preparation was invested in this manufacturing process. It was very important that the vessels were suited for the coming tasks, for instance storing and food preparation. The second manufacturing process was in a way more simple, but resulted in the here so called show vessels or serving vessels, and to a certain degree also utility vessels.200

These two traditions used the same raw clay, but with different amounts of temper added. The fragments of household vessels contain crushed rock and the fragments of the finer ware may contain sand.201

2. An imported tradition made local? A small amount of sherds are tempered with grog, among them also large household

vessels with thick walls. There is no indication that this technique was introduced with foreign ceramics, as the sherds' raw clays are the same as the above mentioned, and furthermore the grog is of the local ware groups. The grog tempered sherds are found at all levels in the studied sample. This technique may be an experimental feature or an alien technique applied on local raw materials.202

3. The labour processes indicates a certain degree of specialized knowledge in the manufacture of pottery.

The conclusion to be drawn, is that not all inhabitants of the site had the possibility of adquiring the whole knowledge required for the manufacturing processes of ceramic - just certain individuals were involved in certain manufacture processes. This in turn points to a certain degree of differentiation, a fact based on the supposition made above at points 1 and 2.

There exists also the possibility that this knowledge of the labour processes could be utilized for other labour processes. It has been mentioned above the plastering and mortar in the construction of buildings, roofing and preparation of floors. There are observations made at El Pichao of, for example, stone walls with mortar.

II. Comparisons with the ethnoarchaeological material

The hypothesis of an existing labour differentiation is supported by the ethnoarchaeological material.

Certain members of a household have the knowledge about the labour process, and organize or directs the work, get assistants among the household members, where even children and juveniles may participate. In the ethnoarchaeological litterature, as well as in the written sources, there is no apparent sex division in this part of the Andean region - both men and women are involved in the work with the hand made ceramics.

The manufacture of pots was a seasonal work. It is not possible to collect clay or dry the pots before firing if it is raining or if it is in another way inconvenient. An economy based on agriculture has a natural seasonal division at a non-specialized level. The manufacture of ceramic is neither a regularly returning work - it is just undertaken when it is judged as necessary. A storing vessel might endure for eight years, while a show vessel, feast bowl or serving pot can last for a whole generation, i e ca 30-50 years. Cooking pots do not last so long. After about one year they may be discarded, and reused in another way than in the original intentional use.

200Compare with the fill material of the grave, discussed above in part 10. 201Cf OLE STILBORG's study, part 11. 202Cf OLE STILBORG's study, part 11, where he discusses thinsection sherd no 2.

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Consequently the manufacture of ceramics cannot be seen as a full time occupation at this level of household economy.203 This fact is very important in the following discussion about labour division, differentiation and degree of specialization.

To conclude it must be said that both I and II are biased or deficient, but independently they indicate the same thing, i e a differentiation in the labour processes inside the site of El Pichao.

III. To reinforce or reject the argumentation above, an archaeological method have to be elaborated in order to be able to trace the differentiation of the ceramic material.

12.4.3 Further differentiation of the manufacturing process of ceramics

C. Further differentiation

The studied material expose different specific labour processes and techniques to reach specific aims.204

Departing from an analysis of raw materials and manufacturing techniques, the following results may be drawn.

1. The manufacturing process of the coarse utility ceramic The residual raw clays (primary clay deposits) were used in the manufacture of the

utility vessels that dominates in the habitational parts of the site. The rock temper have been crushed and ground. In certain cases there has been added grog as temper.

The coarse utility vessels have a complicated manufacturing process implying great skill among the potters. The vessels were going to be used for more advanced tasks than just being exhibition objects. They were in fact essential for the management of the household. The manufacture process was complicated and demanded a greater skill and knowledge and a bigger contribution of labour for the preparation of raw materials than other ceramics. For shaping the vessels the so called N-technique has been utilized. This group of fabrics constitute about 2/3 of the whole ceramic sample from the household unit, the habitation terraced levels, and the agricultural terrace.

Vessels fired in oxidizing atmosphere dominates, but in spite of the variation of firing atmosphere, it may not have been decisive for the intentional use of the vessel. Often we find fragments which are not fully oxidized, and fragments that supposedly have been greyish black after contact with fire at food preparation activities.

2. The variation giving storing vessels and serving vessels The cooking vessels are often coarse slipped in combination with a brushed or

marleado treated surface, while vessels utilized as storing vessels of staple food, as beans and maiz grains, may have a lighter surface, not affected by food preparation. The vessels might have had a great range of different uses, from storing staple food and liquid containers to serving purposes. The porousity varies, from compact to porous pastes. Among physical properties that could be considered important for the vessel's

203SANDER VAN DER LEEUW, op cit, pp 722-724. 204 Cf DAVID P BRAUN, ‘Pots as tools’. Archaeological hammers and theories (eds J A Moore & A S

Keene). London, New York 1983, pp 107-134, pp 108-109, where he discusses variation in morphology and composition depending on the potter's selection of raw materials and manufacturing techniques.

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suitability as liquid container are permeability. The vessels utilized as liquid containers supposedly were more porous and not slipped, as the water is kept fresh if a certain chilling evaporation is permitted throught the walls of the vessel. The thermal conductivity affects further the vessel's performance in cooking.205

The surface treatment should here be taken into consideration, as well as the spatial distribution inside the household and inside the site as a whole.

3. The Red polished Fine ware-group Red polished ware is made of the same residual raw clays as the above mentioned

ceramics. If there is temper added, the temper is finely crushed rock, and there are also sherds tempered with grog. However, in most of the cases this ware's non plastic inclusions are a natural part of the clay. It may be polished, and the fragments found often belong to open vessels, spherical bowls.

4. The Black or grey polished Fine ware-group Black and grey polished ware is strikingly different from the above mentioned. The

raw clay is from a sedimental clay deposition, possibly a lake environment, and there is no further temper added.206 The vessels have been fired in a reducing atmosphere, and are decorated with geometrical incisions made before the firing. The supposed use was as serving vessels or show vessels, and the shape is rather uniform - a spherical, small bowl with convex bottom.

5. The ceramics from the fill material of the grave There is a distinct variation of the White slipped Coarse grained clay source wares-

group, which often is decorated with black geometrical designs. The most important observation is that the ceramics found in the habitational zone for the most part consists of utility vessels, with coarser and higher amount of temper than the fragments studied deriving from the grave's fill material. Here we may discern a special “grave” ceramic, or show ceramic, differing from ceramics with the same surface treatment and decoration, and with a divergent manufacturing process, i e finer crushed and less amount of temper.

6. The firing auxuliarity facilities and the control of firing conditions The firing auxiliarity facilities for ceramics may have been easy to construct, if we

relay on the ethnoarchaeological studies, and on the fact that hitherto there not yet have been found any traces of kiln constructions at the site of El Pichao. On the other hand, there is evidence of a high knowledge of how to control the firing atmosphere.

The grey and red polished and the red polished fine wares, respectively, are fired in differing firing atmospheres, and the different wares also have differing decorations, the grey and black wares often incisions made before the firing, while the red polished ware is undecorated. Apparently the manufacturer had control over and could predict the firing conditions.

The coarse utility ceramics are fired both in a reducing and an oxidized atmosphere, with a tendency that the former are being coarser tempered than the latter.

Vessels fired in oxidizing atmosphere dominates, but even if the firing atmosphere varies, it may not be decisive for the intended use of the pots. This question is not fully studied yet. Often there are fragments fully oxidized, and other fragments that have been greyishblack after use over open fire at food preparing.

205VINCAS P STEPONAITIS, ‘Technological studies of prehistoric pottery from Alabama: physical

properties and vessel function’. M d of p. pp 9-122, pp 81-82. 206See OLE STILBORG, part 11 this report, where he discusses thinsection sherd no 3.

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12.4.4 Changes of the manufacture of ceramics at the time of the Spanish intrusion

D. Changes of the manufacture of ceramics as a consequence of the Spanish intrusion

The red respectively the black ware group belong to the coarse group of wares. It is to be found at all excataved units. This raw clay contains very high amount of muscovite and biotite, and there are also to be fopund quartz grains, but in small amounts. The clay, from a residual clay deposit, has not been added further temper. The surface glitters with mica, and this may have been a wanted effect when choicing the raw material. A reduced firing atmosphere gave the dark variants and the oxidized firing atmosphere gave the red ware. The black ware dominates, and the red ware can be decorated with black painted geometric designs in a horizontal band following the mouth. The surfaces are grainy due to the mica flakes, but is carefully smoothed.

This type of ceramics is only found in the late period, and the choice of raw material source is very interesting when discussiing the Spanish influence in the region, giving the very coarse micaceous raw clay ceramic a special background.

It may be supposed that the control of water and earth, i e the conditions of landowing, were drastically changed with the Spanish intrusion. The Spanish intruders were not interested in the indigeneous pottery making. In conquested areas in Peru the manufacture was consequently drastically changed, and new raw material sources were exploited. During the precolonial period clay deposits from the river banks had been used for the manufacture of pottery. After the Spanish occupation clay resources from mines in the mountaine declivities were come into use. The changes may be explained by the new landowning conditions imposed by the Spaniards and also by the new irrigation systems.207 New raw clay sources are exploited - the river banks are no longer common ground.

In the case of El Pichao the Spaniards came sporadically to the bottom of the river valley of Santa María, but it was not until the later part of the 17th century, that they managed to enter the valley's surrounding mountain declivities and subordinate the settlements of the valley.208 A break may be seen in the grave material when comparing it to the habitational zone - new raw material sources were utilized to get new effects, or in a combination with the new conditions and a foreign control of the raw material sources.

This could help us to a better understanding and a deeper penetration in the discussion of how a differentiation between different labour processes may be traced in an archaeological material.209

207ROGGER RAVINES, ’Alfarería‘. Tecnología andina (ed R Ravines), Lima 1978, pp 400-409, p 405. 208ANA MARÍA LORANDI & ROXANA BOIXADÓS, Etnohistoría de los valles Calchaquíes de los siglos

XVI y XVII. Paper to be publ. Instituto de ciencias antropológicas, Facultad de filosofía y letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires 1988.

209DICK A PAPOSEK gives in his anthropological study from northwest México, a good description of the whole process of ceramic manufacture of three pottery-making villages in the 1960s, and the changes in production due to changing economic conditions. ‘Pots and people in Los Pueblos: The social and economic organization of pottery’.M d of p. pp 475-520. Cf also RICHARD A KRAUSE, ‘Modelling the making of pots: an ethnoarchaeological approach’. M d of p. pp 613-698, pp 650-668, which, however, is a formalistic approach.

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12.5 Ethnoarchaeological approaches

This section deals with coming research and here I will try to give some outlines concerning ethnoarchaeological approaches.

The ethnoarchaeological litterature has grown considerabely during later years. Explorations in ethnoarchaeology is an important work with many references to ethnoarchaeological studies before 1975.210 Ceramics and man and The many dimensions of pottery have previously been mentioned. For the study area of El Pichao, the works of María Beatriz Cremonte and Lidia Clara García are of great relevance.211

A condition for the intended study is that there are potters still working in the area, or that there are living traditions concerning the manufacture of pottery. It is important to emphasize that the study must take place with the direct- or participant-observation technique.212

The manufacture of pottery is here supposed to have been carried out as a part of a household activity, by family members or household members. The potter (in the northwest of Argentina there are both men and women working as potters) engage other household members as assistants and helpers. There may also occurr that different households colaborate for different tasks. The following list is to be seen as an outline to the study of pottery manufacture, and not as a questionaire:213

1. Description of the manufacturing process Raw material sources - the intentional or chance selection of specific clays and tempering

materials for recognized purposes, where they are deposited; the extracion, collection, and transport; implements and facilities; means of transportation

Preparation of raw materials - kneadning, shaping, surface treatment, drying of vessels, firing, temperatures, finishing treatment (decoration, treatment of vessels before use),

Control of firing conditions - design of hearth or kiln - fuels, firing schedules, kiln maintenance, the loading patterns employed for the pottery of varying size

How/why the potter choices and compromises during the manufacturing process. How the working area is disposed and utlized Staff organization of the household

2. Spatial descpription of the different labour processes How and where the raw materials are kept and stored Where the vessels are kept during the drying process, after firing, before being disposed

of, and in the household Description of implements used, their local names, and if they are used for other tasks 210Explorations in athnoarchaeology (ed Richard A Gould). Albuquerque 1978. 211MARÍA BEATRIZ CREMONTE, ’Teofila Romero, Ollera de Juella (Quebrada de Humahuaca)‘,

Comunicaciones científicas, dirección provincial de antropología e historia, año 1, nr 1, San Salvador de Jujuy 1989, pp 37-44; LIDIA CLARA GARCÍA, ’Etnoarqueología: manufactura de cerámica en Alto Sapagua‘, Arqueología contemporanea Argentina, (ed Hugo Daniel Yacabacito et al), Buenos Aires 1988, pp 33-58.

212Cf LEWIS R BINFORD, Nunamiut ethnoarchaeology. New York 1978; MICHAEL B STANISLAWSKI, ’If pots were mortal‘. Explorations in ethnoarchaeology (ed Richard A Gould). Albuquerque 1978, pp 201-227, pp 205-206.

213The following ethnoarchaeological studies are good references for the field work. CAROL KRAMER, ’Ceramic ethnoarchaeology‘, Annual Review of Anthropology 22, pp 117-132; op cit; DICK A PAPOUSEK, ’Pots and people in Los Pueblos: the social and economic organization of pottery‘, M d of p. pp 475-520; FREDERICK R MATSON, ‘Ceramics and man reconsidered with some thoughts for the future’.M d of p. pp 25-49.

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3. Collection of raw material samples for analyses: raw clays, tempering materials, pigments, slips

Collection of samples for analyses of unfired, dried and fired ceramics.

4. Evaluation of success in production with the materials selected in terms of vessel form, size, wall thickness, techniques of fabrication, breakage patterns.

The vessels' intended use and the local names for different vessel forms Longevity for different vessels and their functions Re-use of sherds or inclomplete pots Disposal of the broken or discarded pottery214

5. How and to whom the knowledge of the manufacture is passed on

6. Assistants - the organisation of the work inside the household, if any helpers from outside, the division of work according to age or sex

7. The rythm of the work - when the different moments of the manufacturing process are done depending of the season and of other households activities

8. The scale of production - amount working hours in relation to manufactured vessels and amount of manufactured vessels in relation to number of members of the household

9. Distribution of the pots - the family's or the household's use, trading, distribution to other families, households or consumers

Evaluation of the pottery, how it is demanded for and how it is distrubuted

10. Religious practices and mythical conceptions related to raw materials, the different moments of the manufacturing process and success or failure of the product

11. The potter's social status and the potter's own opinion concerning the quality of the finished vessels in relation to other ceramics of the region

The reasons to technical changes of the manufacture process 12. A list of terms used by the potter - raw materials, implements, vessel shapes,

working areas, pigments, motifs of decoration, etc

214MICHAEL B STANISLAWSKI, ’If pots were mortal‘. Explorations in ehnoarchaeology (ed Richard A

Gould). Albuquerque 1978, pp 201-227. In this article is a discussion about reuse, recycling and abandonment, discard and breakage of ceramics. See also MICHAEL B SCHIFFER, ’Methodological issues in ethnoarchaeology‘. Explorations in ethnoarchaeology (ed Richard A Gould). Albuquerque 1978, pp 229-247, where Schiffer advocates laws for residues that depend upon the physical and spatial relationship of materials left behind in their final context of discard. DIANE P GIFFORD discusses the natural processes related to residue formation in her article ’Natural processes affecting cultural materials‘ in Explorations in ethnoarchaeology (ed Richard A Gould). Albuquerque 1978, pp 77-101.

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12.6 Summary

The raw materials indicate that the ceramics for the most part was locally manufactured. The knowledge of the ceramic manufacture was thus local, and this in turn implies that the manufacture was not attached to a certain specialized settlement in the valley. We can then suppose a certain autonomy in relation to other settlements in the region.

Analyses of the finished products indicate that the labour processes demanded a certain degree of specialized knowledge. Categories in the analyzed material may also imply the existence of different labour processes in the manufacture of ceramics demanding different knowledge. The conclusion to be drawn of the above is that not all individuals of the site had the required knowledge about the manufacture of ceramics, but a group of persons. A second conclusion may be that not all different kinds of ceramics were manufactured in all households, but at some households, thus a certain degree of differentiation or specialization between habitational units or household units is a reasonably assumption. This assumption in turn is supported by the ethnoarchaeological material.

The concious choice of a specific labour process or manufacturing technique, may depend of a specific intentional use. The division of the ceramic material into five different groups, may further contribute to deepen the discussion about differentiation. It is evident that it existed an insight about how to utilize the raw materials, and thus it may be assumed that a household could have got the monopoly of the knowledge in the manufacturing of a certain type of ceramics. This in turn implies the existence of a certain degree of organisation of the manufacturing process. The knowledge of pottery manufacture may also be used in other labour processes.

The supply of raw materials has been abundant in the near surroundings of the site - both concerning water (the large area of agricultural terraces), raw clay deposits (supposedly to be found at the river banks) and tempering materials (natural rock). During the late period there is a break in the material, and new raw clay sources are taken into use. This is evident when comparing the material from the habitational area with the grave material. The break may be a consequence of the Spanish intrusion into the valley, with new imposed economic and social conditions for the inhabitants of the site.

It is obvious that comparisons with historical and ethnological sources is essential for the interpretation of the archaeological material, in order to give it a human perspective and relevance.

References

BINFORD, LEWIS R, Nunamiut ethnoarchaeology. New York 1978. BRAUN, DAVID P, ’Pots as tools‘. Archaeological hammers and theories (eds A Keene & J Moore).

New York 1983, pp 107-134. CORNELL, LASSE, Arbete och arbetsformernas utveckling, Göteborg 1986. CREMONTE, MARÍA BEATRIZ, ’Teofila Romero, Ollera de Juella (Quebrada de Humahuaca)‘,

Comunicaciones científicas, dirección provincial de antropología e historia, año 1, nr 1, San Salvador de Jujuy 1989, pp 37-44.

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DEBOER, WARREN R, ‘The last pottery show: system and sense in ceramic studies’. The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard). Amsterdam 1984, pp 525-564.

Explorations in athnoarchaeology (ed Richard A Gould). Albuquerque 1978. GARCÍA, LIDIA CLARA, ’Etnoarqueología: manufactura de cerámica en Alto Sapagua‘, Arqueología

contemporanea Argentina, (ed Hugo Daniel Yacabacito et al), Buenos Aires 1988, pp 33-58. GIFFORD, DIANE P, ’Natural processes affecting cultural materials‘. Explorations in ethnoarchaeology

(ed Richard A Gould). Albuquerque 1978, pp 77-101. KRAMER, CAROL, ’Ceramic ethnoarchaeology‘, Annual Review of Anthropology 22, pp 117-132. KRAUSE, RICHARD A, ‘Modelling the making of pots: an ethnoarchaeological approach’. The many

dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard). Amsterdam 1984, pp 613-698.

LANGE, OSCAR, Political economy, vol 2. Warsaw 1968. LORANDI, ANA MARÍA & ROXANA BOIXADÓS, Etnohistoría de los valles Calchaquíes de los siglos

XVI y XVII. Paper to be publ. Instituto de ciencias antropológicas, Facultad de filosofía y letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires 1988.

LORANDI, ANA MARÍA, MARÍA BEATRIZ CREMONTE & VERONICA WILLIAMS, ‘Identificación étnica de los Mitmakuna instalados en el estblecimiento incaico Potrero-Chaquiago’. Unpubl paper presented at the XI Congreso Nacional de arqueología chilena, Santiago 1989, 18 pp.

The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard). Amsterdam 1984.

MARX, KARL, Kapitalet, I. Lund 1970. MATSON, FREDERICK R, ‘Ceramics and man reconsidered with some thoughts for the future’.The

many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard). Amsterdam 1984, pp 25-49.

PAPOSEK, DICK A, ‘Pots and people in Los Pueblos: The social and economic organization of pottery’.The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard). Amsterdam 1984, pp 475-520.

RAVINES, ROGGER, ’Alfarería‘. Tecnología andina (ed R Ravines), Lima 1978, pp 400-409. RAVINES, ROGGER, ’Cerámica actual de Ccaccasiri, Huancavelica‘. Tecnología andina (ed R Ravines),

Lima 1978, pp 447-466. SCHIFFER, MICHAEL B, ’Methodological issues in ethnoarchaeology‘. Explorations in ethno-

archaeology (ed Richard A Gould). Albuquerque 1978, pp 229-247. STANISLAWSKI, MICHAEL B, ’If pots were mortal‘. Explorations in ethnoarchaeology (ed Richard A

Gould). Albuquerque 1978, pp 201-227. STEPONAITIS, VINCAS P. ‘Technological studies of prehistoric pottery from Alabama: physical

properties and vessel function’. The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard). Amsterdam 1984,pp 9-122, pp 81-82.

VAN DER LEEUW, SANDER, ‘Dust to dust: a transformational view of the ceramic cycle’. The many dimensions of pottery. Ceramics in archaeology and anthropology (eds S E van der Leeuw & A C Pritchard). Amsterdam 1984, pp 705-773.

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13. Approaches to room structure interpretation at El Pichao.

Two perspectives applied comparing sectors III, IV, and VIII.

Per Stenborg, Department of archaeology, Unversity of Gothenburg

13.1 Introduction

I originally set out with an idea of comparing the New Archaeology and the recent directions termed “Postprocessual Archaeology” in this paper. However, after getting involved with the project on “Emergence and growth of centres - a case study in the Santa María valley, northwestern Argentine”, it was natural to let this paper be connected to my work there. Instead of making a strictly theoretical study I have tried to look at an archaeological material from two different theoretical standpoints. They are compared as approaches to this material. I have thus retained some of my original idea.

The material dealt with is obscure in the sense that, although the division of space is often clear and distinct (eg walls), the structures which the area is divided into are not easy to connect to specific functions (eg dwellings, activity-areas, cultivation-areas). Neither can direct analogies to ethnographical examples be used.

For me it has been quite obvious how obscure and dubious the once (at home, reading the debate on archaeological method and theory) clear ideas might get when confronted with a concrete, but complex, material. Apparent lack of experience of fieldwork and virtually no previous knowledge of South American archaeology didn´t mend matters. By using the field-data as an example of material on settlement, and letting the data be limited to that from measurements of structures and groups of structures, hopefully some problems have been avoided.

This paper might be read in several ways. If the reader is mainly interested in the general ideas, it is my suggestion that the reader skips the rather explicit descriptions of part 7.

13.2 Purpose

In this paper I will compare two different archaeological perspectives as they appear when confronted with an archaeological material. The material will be a material on room-structures from surveys at the archaeological site of El Pichao in the Santa María-valley, northwestern Argentine. The two perspectives are not directly tied to existing directions, although similair approaches exist. What I have called a “functionalistic/-

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materialistic-perspective” has similairities to views put forward by for example Lewis R. Binford. Likewise, the “social/symbolical-perspective” is intended to share some of its attitude towards the archaeological material with parts of the so called “Postprocessual Archaeology”215. This does not mean that I deny the existence of directions within the “New Archaeology” interested in the social structures of past societies216. Instead its a result of my intention to formulate two contrasting perspectives as two different ways of approaching the El Pichao material.

13.3 Background

Just before the turn of the century, Juan B. Ambrosetti did research at the archaeological site of Quilmes in the Santa María-valley. He asserted that two shapes of structures dominated: One rectangular and the other rounded. The rectangular structures often had erected stones in its interior, forming an inner rectangle. A common combination was that of a rectangular “main-structure” (my expression), connected to one, or several, smaller, rounded structures. This kind of unit is often termed “Casa Ambrosetti”. He also proposed a function of the inner rectangle of erected stones, connected to a construction of posts supporting a partial roof.217

Research have also been made by Eric Boman218 and Carlos Bruch219. Victor A. Núñez Regueiro has given a historical survey of the attempts at a

periodization for northwestern Argentine.220 Here I will only mention the periodization suggested by Núñes Regueiro and only the periods which bear relevance upon this study (the archaeological site of El Pichao is preliminarely suggested to have been occupied between A.D. 600 and 1660). Three stages are suggested by Núñes Regueiro:

1. Foraging stage (13 000-500 B.C.) 2. Producing stage (500 B.C.-A.D. 1536) 3. Stage of European trade expansion (post 1536 A.D.)

The second stage is subdivided into several periods, of which only the last three are important here (all three are agricultural):

A. Formative period (200 B.C.-A.D. 1000) B. Regional development period (A.D. 1000-1480) C. Imperial period (A.D. 1480-1536)221

215Cf IAN HODDER, Reading the past. Cambridge, 1986, pp.1-178 216Cf KENT FLANNERY, ‘Culture history v. culture process: a debate in American archaeology’.

Scientific American, vol. 217/1967, pp. 119-122 217JUAN B AMBROSETTI, ‘La antigua ciudad de Quilmes’. Boletín del Instituto Geográfico Argentino ,

XVIII, Buenos Aires 1897, pp. 37-40 218ERIC BOMAN, Antiquités de la region andine de la République Argentine et du désert d'Atacama, I-

II. Paris 1908 219CARLOS BRUCH, Exploraciones arqueólogicas en las provincias de Tucumán y Catamarmarca, vol

5. Buenos Aires 1911 220VICTOR A NUÑEZ REGUEIRO, ‘Considerations on the periodizations of Northwest Argentina’.

Advances in Andean archaeology, The Hague 1978, pp. 453-484 221VICTOR A NUÑEZ REGUEIRO, OP CIT.,pp.464-484

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The archaeological site of El Pichao is situated in the semi-desert of the Santa María-valley, northwestern Argentine. The climate is dry with occasional torrents of rain. The sparse vegetation is mostly consisting of bushes and various species of cactus (mostly Opuntia and Cereus-species). The site is mainly situated on the alluvial-cone, which with varied inclination slopes towards the Santa María-river. Here large terrace-systems, as well as room-structures, dominates the picture. The remains of room-structures which are visible above ground, consists largely of stone-walls, more or less demolished. Parts of the site are located to the far steeper hill-sides around the cone, where structures and constructions are situated on terraces. For practical reasons the area of the site has been divided into 13 sectors (see Figure 1). Research has been been carried out in 1989 and 1990 at this site.

13.4 Two main perspectives

To make an attempt of showing the potentials for hypothese creations offered by the material discussed here, I will outline two different theoretical and methodological perspectives, as a basis for two different approaches to the material on room-structures at the archaeological site of El Pichao. This outline will generalize about such things as functionality, symbolical aspects of the archaeological material and interest for regularity/irregularity, in order to polarize the two perspectives.

Archaeology is a wide field, and the archaeologist must choose which aspect of the archaeological material that is of interest for his or her approach. This choice is of course dependent upon interests and values kept by the individual archaeologist. Anyhow, it should be possible to outline some major features constituting two different perspectives. The division of these two perspectives could be made at many different levels, like micro/macro-perspectives or studies in accordance with different political ideologies. The division chosen and used in this paper is one between a perspective that puts its emphasis mainly on the usage and function of varios parts of a prehistoric society, as well as on the very method of gaining and testing such knowledge, and a second perspective, interested in aspects of the archaeological material other than the mere function of details in, and parts of, a society.

The latter perspective presuposes that, for example values and relations within a society in one way or another are observable in the archaeological record. The cause of their observability could be either a conscious intention by people of the past to show or hide some aspect of the living conditions of their society, or it could be an unconscious consequense of the constitution of, or relations within, this society. The material culture is, according to this second perspective, meningfully constituted, it provides the environment within which people can reach their ends and means.222 In the interpretation of meaning a subjective element is involved since an understanding of meaning is possible only through the use of imagination and association, and since this understanding do differ between individuals.223

According to the functionalistic/materialistic perspective, it is not what is meant, not any inherent purpose, besides the function of the artefact or construction that

222IAN HODDER, ‘Postprocessual archaeology’. Advances in archaeological method and theory, ed.

Michael B. Schiffer, New York, vol. 8, 1985, p.5 223IAN HODDER, op cit., p.14.

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archaeology is about. The object of the study is material, not psychological phenomena.224 It is pointed out that the archaeological material consists, not of symbols, but of material "things".225 The material remains of a culture tells us of its adaption to the environment, in some senses analogous to how the physical constitution of an animal spiece may show its adaption to an ecological niche. The system of adaption that characterizes a culture, consists of material, communication-channels and energy.226 Theoreticaly the method is often described as a process where a general theory of society (ie system theory) is used by deducing hypotheses for the special case. The implications of this theory in the special case is then to be tested against data.227 Archaeology should adopt methods from the natural sciences.228

13.5 A presentation of the field-data and of the methods of data-collection

The material used in this study is collected from several surveys carried out during the fieldworks in El Pichao 1989 and 1990. Those surveys have been carried out for different purposes, and by different methods. This might bring about a problem of comparability. I will here give a brief description of the methods used in the different surveys, as well as a discussion on possible lack of comparability. I will also discuss the problem of representativety, as well as the question of contemporaneity.

13.5.1 The complex of structures in the northwestern part of sector III (complex A).

A survey of this area was carried out in april 1990 by the author. This complex of structures is located to the northwestern part of sector III (Figure 13.2). The method used was simply stepping out distances and checking out directions by compass. An optical heightmeter and a pocket-rule was used for the measurement of heights. About 200 observationpoints were used. Data concerning all selected elements and variables were collected. As the complex covers a large area, it was only possible to measure it in part. Hopefully it will be possible to extend the survey in the forthcoming field-campaign. The structures included in the survey are preliminary given the numbers A.1 to A.19. The numbering of structures was in this case made chronologically, in the order they where measured, with the exception of structure A.19 which was identified after the survey had been completed.

224LEWIS R BINFORD, ‘Meaning, inference and the material record’. Ranking, resource and exchange,

Cambridge university press, 1982, p. 162 225LEWIS R BINFORD, In pursuit of the past, London, 1983, p. 19 226LEWIS R BINFORD, ‘Meaning, inference and the material record’. Ranking, resource and exchange,

Cambridge university press, 1982, p. 162 227GIBON, GUY, Explanation in archaeology 228LEWIS R BINFORD, In pursuit of the past, London, 1983, p. 22

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13.5.2 The complex of structures in sector VIII (complex B).

This area was surveyed under direction of Susana Sjödin during the fieldcampaign of 1990 by the means of a teodolite. Approximately 30 teodolite-points were taken (64 when including measurements of heights and inclination) and details were measured using compass and measuring-tape making the total number of observationpoints reach around 200. Observations were made regarding all selected elements with the exeption of the one concerning lines of stones. Not all observations are marked on the plan.229 Parts of this complex was excavated during the 1990 field-campaign, when parts of terrace-levels two and five were excavated. The numbering of structures have been made after the survey. The area of this complex includes eight terrace-levels (Figure. 13:3).

13.5.3 Unit 12.

This unit is situated in the southwestern part of sector IV, near the border to sector III (Figure 13.4). Starting the 19th of april 1990 this unit was surveyed during three working days by Per Cornell and the author using an angular-prism and measuring-tape. The vegetation inside this unit sometimes made the measuring a bit difficult. A fixpoint was chosen northeast of the smaller, semicircular structure. A second fixpoint was placed northwest of the large, rounded structure. The measurement included 74 observationpoints. Observations on all elements and variables were recorded.

13.5.4 Unit 1.

A survey of this complex was made by Lisbet Bengtsson during the 1989 fieldcampaign and some additional work was made by Susana Sjödin 1990 (Figure 13.5). A level was used, together with a measuring tape and a pocket-rule for those surveys. The unit is situated in sector III to the southeast of complex A. The unit might be connected to a structure to the southeast of the main structure (1.1), which is not included in the survey.230 112 observationpoints were used. Observations were made concerning all selected elements. Parts of the unit were excavated during the 1989 and 1990 fieldseasons.

13.5.5 The problem of comparability

It is my opinion that the comparison of material from the different surveys is not prevented by differences in methods used. In fact, the numbers of observationpoints in the different surveys are in the same scale, why the precision should be comparable.

229SUSANA SJÖDIN, Personal communication 230LISBET BENGTSSON, Personal communication

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The only limitation is in the comparison of complex B with other units and complexes, where "lines of stones" cannot be used as a variable. Otherwise observations concerning all selected elements have been recorded.

13.5.6 The problem of representativety

The material used in this study cannot be said to be representative of the site of El Pichao as a whole. It is representative of the types of structures which are characteristic of a part of the site (sectors III, IV and VIII). About the question of El Pichao as a unit of some significance I here simply refer to the discussion by Per Cornell.231

13.5.7 The question of contemporaneity

So far, the result of the research in El Pichao has rather supported than contradicted contemporaneity of the units and complexes dealt with in this study.232 This study departs from the assumption that those indications are correct.

13.6 Approaching the El Pichao material in accordance with the two perspectives

13.6.1 The functionalistic/materialistic approach

In accordance with the functional/material view, I choose to look for elements which could be of use in the creation of a typology of structures. To a great extent the variable of shape will be excluded from the study, as this variable seems to be determined by the topography rather than by the nature of the kind of activity for which the structure was constructed (eg cultivation-areas must not be shaped exactly the same way to be put into the same category as their differences probably are the result of, for example, varying inclination of the ground). A hypothesis will be formulated as a proposal concerning the use of different types of structures. This study ends at this point as a testing of the hypothesis is not possible without further data from excavations. The evaluation of the hypothesis could for example be done by the testing of certain postulations regarding the kinds of ceramics that would be expected to be found in the different kinds of structures. Also other categories of material, like bone, carbon and seeds, could be used in similar manner. Anyway these proposals are at this point purely hypothetical, as this kind of data is not available.

An attempt will be made to find general differences between the different groups (units and complexes) of structures.

231PER CORNELL, ‘Prospection at El Pichao in 1989’. El Pichao 1989 232PER CORNELL, ‘Why centre?’. Part 1, this report.

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The typology will be built mainly on the presence or absence of a number of elements. It follows from the way the data collecting for this study was made that the reachable elements are those visible on the ground. A list of variables and elements follows below:

Class 1: General elements 1. Location (topographical, geographical) of whole units. 2. Location (relative) of structures in relation to other structures. 3. Size of structures in relation to other structures. "Unit" is a recurrent pattern of assemblages of structures.

Class 2: Special elements 1. Erected stones. 2. Bridges. 3. Entrances, connections through walls. 4. Passages. 5. Shifts of groundlevel. 6. Mortarstones. 7. Lines of stones.

"Erected stones" are stones placed in an upright position, not leaning against other stones. "Bridges" are sections of the walls, directed towards the interior of the structure and right-angled, or nearly right-angled, to the walls they are connected to (Figure 13.6). "Entrances" are sections of walls, where the height of the wall is considerably lower than is the height of the nearest parts of the same walls. "Passages" are entrances which differs from the normal type (3) by not being connections through walls, but rather gaps between walls (Figure 13.6).

The aim here is to put forward a proposal concerning functional types. Clearly I here have to do some suppositions about the fundamental needs of the people that once lived on the site. I will thus look for structures probably used as dwellings, and for others where cultivation is likely to have taken place. A list of postulated spheres of applications for the room-structures of El Pichao follows here:

Type A. Structures used as dwellings (for sleeping &c). Type B. Structures used as cultivation-areas. Type C. Structures used as enclosures, or pasture for cattle. Type D. Structures used as activity-areas. Type E. Structures used for communication.

A division of an area into zones of different heightlevel (analogous to the terraceation of parts of the alluvial-cone in a larger perspective), as well as any traces of irrigation-constructions will be taken as indicators of cultivation. Differentiation of hightlevels frequently appears in combination with walls, thus marking a border between structures, this kind of hightlevel-differentiation is not included in the class 2.4 type of elements.

Dwellings are assumed to be smaller than areas normally used for cultivation (a smaller size-structure is more easely roofed).

Structures used for communication and transport are supposed to form connected systems, to be small and extended in one direction.

Activity-areas might be indicated by the presence of mortar-stones. For the detection of cattle-enclosures or pastures, observations of possible passages

used for driving cattle in and out of enclosures, will be recorded.

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13.6.2 The social/symbolical approach

Using the second perspective, interest will be focused upon possibilities of detecting a social content of the society under study. To make this a reasonable aim of archaeology, the remains of the material culture must be viewed as a carrier of meaning. A frame, within which this meaning can be interpreted must also be created. It is accepted that the way in which this frame is constructed will direct the interpretation.

Here it is simply assumed that the division of an area marks more than (even if also) a division for practical reasons. It creates a differentiation between areas on opposite sides of the border. The most fundamental division could be said to be that between an interior inner area, and an exterior surroundings. As a second step the inner area might in turn also be divided into subareas. If this inner division is into different activity areas and a division of labour also takes place, then the border marks a social differentiation, as well as a functional one. Thus I here assume that a social, as well as a functional, differentiation might be traced by observations of differences in structure, or content between areas, and between subareas. Such differences will here be identified, both between units located at different parts of the site, and between individual structures and groups of structures located near each other.

The division of labour is just one dimension, and it should be possible to trace other aspects of of a society as well. One such aspect is the attitude held by the society under study (or held by its inhabitants) towards its (or their) environment.

It should be mentioned that also this study is incomplete, since the symbolic structure proposed will not be shown in more than one category of the material. To be complete, the proposed pattern should be shown to be valid also for other categories of material (eg the decoration of pottery).

The elements used here will in part be identical to those selected for the funcional, material study.

Selected elements and variables:

1. Differences or similarities in the location on the site-area of separate units. 2. Differences or similarities between different units, or between structures in the same

unit regarding: a) Angular and rounded shapes. b) Presence or absence of erected stones. c) Presence or absence of bridges. d) Presence or absence of entrances. e) Presence or absence of lines of stones. f) Presence or absence of mortarstones. 3. Relation between the orientation and shape of structures and the lines and shapes of

the natural environment.

1. Differences and similarities in the location on the site-area of separate units. Attention will here be payed to the possibilty of a geographical differentiation between social groups. The physical conditions varies throughout the site-area of El Pichao. Parts of the site are situated to the steep slopes of the surrounding mountains. The main body of the site is spread over the flatter, but varied, area of the alluvial-cone. The parts of the site located up the mountain-slopes are thus both peripheric and at the same time placed in an elevated position, overlooking most of the site-area. This variable acquires its

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importance when data on it can be combined with observations about one or more of the other variables.

2. To trace a division into areas of different activities, and thereby possibly a social differentiation, the differences or similarities between different units, or between structures in the same unit according to six different elements and variables will be noted. Of the chosen elements only f) is directly associated to a certain activity (treatment of seeds or other parts of vegetables, possibly also crushing of quartz for the tempering of clay &c). Thus what might be interesting is the tracing of any pattern in the combination of elements between structures and between groups of structures.

3. The relation between the orientation and shape of structures and the lines and shapes of the natural environment will be taken as an indication of the attitude held by the society and its inhabitants towards their natural environment. Stated another way: It might show the degree of division, or opposition, created, expressed and experienced between nature and culture. This opposition might well vary spatially.

13.7 A description of the material, based on field-data

13.7.1 The complex of structures in the northwestern part of sector III

Complex A, figure 13.2

This complex, bounded by a river-arm -“arroyo”- by its southern side, consists of a large number of structures. The structures are connected to each other, lying wall by wall. Sizes and shapes of structures show great variation. A part of the complex, divided into 19 structures, is included in this study. The area is rather flat, with relatively low inclination.

Structure A.1 This structure is located to the southwestern part of the complex. The shape of the

structure is angular, although it gives the impression of being disturbed by the smaller structure A.3. There are nine possible entrances of which two differs from the others, one being simply a gap between two walls (this type is here termed "passage"), and the other being an upward slope in northeastern part of the structure, towars A.4. The structure has erected stones in the interior, two of them standing side by side and showing a remarkable degree of similarity. The structure also includes two mortar-stones, as well as boulders. The corner of the wall shared with A.3 is extended towards the centre of the structure, forming a construction here termed "bridge". The ground is flat, exept for parts covered by material fallen down from the walls. The walls are comparably high and broad, with exception for the wall towards A.2.

Structure A.2 This structure, situated to the south of A.1, has an angular shape and is rather small,

with low walls. It has two connections to structure 1, one possible entrance and one possible passage. It also has a possible entrance to a southeastern structure, as well as a possible passage to the east. The ground is flat with boulders lying on the surface.

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Structure A.3 Structure A.3 is small with high walls and has five corners. It has one possible

entrance. The character of the ground-surface is disturbed as the structure evidently has been subjected to looting. The groundlevel is higher than that of A.1.

Structure A.4 This clearly angular structure, of approximately the size of A.1, has two possible

entrances. There are no erected stones. The heights of the walls show great variation. The area next to the western corner differs from the ground elsewhere inside A.4 in being divided into small zones at different heightlevel. There are elevated areas towards structures A.1 and A.5. Two lines of stones run in the south-north direction, one runs east-west.

Structure A.5 Smaller than A.4 and A.1, lying to the northwest of A.4, this structure differs from

the previously described in having its longest walls in the northwest-southeast direction. This gives it its greatest extension in the direction of the slope, and so the ground inside the structure is not flat, but on the one hand follows the slope, getting successively higher to the northwest, and on the other hand also has one distinct line of more abrupt change of level. There is one possible entrance through the northwestern wall and a possible passage through the southeastern wall, towards A.19. The northern and western corners show tendencies towards roundness. A bent line of erected stones is placed by the southern corner of the structure. The structure has been subjected to looting.

Structure A.6 This quite irregular structure differs from the previous in having boulders spread all

over its interior ground. The spreading of the stones shows no sign of any regularity, with few exceptions. There is one possible passage towards the elevated area of the structure, between A.1 and A.4. This possible passage does not consist of an opening in, or a gap between walls, but is merely marked by stones lying on the ground. The walls towards northeast and northwest are constructed of larger stones than are the others. The structure is probably damaged by the arroyo, which could mean that the structure predates the arroyo. Close to the arroyo there is a differentiation of the groundlevel.

Structure A.7 This is a diffuse area, and the limits of this structure are quite dubious. The shape is

angular and the structure has two entrances towards A.4. The walls are low and often seemingly ending into nothing. In the northern part of the structure a construction is directed from the northeastern wall towards the centre of the structure. This construction differs from the previously described “Bridges”, in being filled with just soil, the walls consisting of thin, raised stones. A possible explanation of the present appearance of this structure could be that the groundlevel has been considerably heightened by sediment from the river-arm to the northeast.

Structure A.8 This structure is rather obscure. The shape is angular and the western area is divided

into distinct horizontal levels, similar to terraces. The structure has had an entrance to A.15. The eastern part of the structure partly consists of erected stones and boulders, separating this part of the structure from the rest.

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Structure A.9 This structure has a distinctive angular shape. Possible entrances are placed through

three corners of the structure. The southeastern wall has a very distinct entrance. Erected stones are placed in the interior of the structure, although they show no signs of marking the “Casa Ambrosetti-type” of an inner rectangle. Rather they are located to the southern and western corners of the structure. A circular construction is situated near the centre of the structure. The circle consists of smaller stones than does the walls, the average size being about 30-40 cm:s. The circle has a diameter of approximately 5m, it has an opening to the east. The northwestern wall of the mainstructure is collapsed, except for a small part. The northeastern wall shows great variation, partly being well preserved and partly being destroyed. This could have something to do with a possible entrance through this wall. The southeastern wall is low and in parts diffuse.

Structure A.10 This is a small angular structure with lower groundlevel than the surroundings. It has

possible entrances through its northwestern and southeastern walls. There are traces of looting.

Structure A.11 This is a very small structure, with two sharp corners and two rounded. Possible

entrance through the northwestern wall, no sign of communication with A.10. The ground inside the structure is partly destroyed by a large looting-pit. The level of the ground is much higher than inside A.10.

Structure A.12 Only a part of this structure is included in the survey as it extends far to the northeast

and priority was given for areas to the southeast and southwest. The structure is diffuse in a similar manner as structure A.8. The part of the structure included in the survey consists mainly of lines of stones, one possibly connected to an entrance to structure A.13. Towards A.13, the ground is sloping downwards.

Structure A.13 This medium size structure has an irregular northwestern wall, connected to A.12.

The structure has a large number of possible entrances. To the north, a possible passage seems to be marked by, at least, one line of erected stones. Possibly a second passage is situated near east of the first. A line of low stones divides the structure into two halves.

Structure A.14 This large structure is clearly angular in shape. It has five possible entrances, as well

as a passage through the northern corner. It has some resemblance to the lrge rectangular structure of the “Casa Ambrosetti”-type of unit (eg unit 1 below). To the southeast of an opening in the northwestern wall, there is a semicircular elevation of the ground. Two lines of erected stones are placed in the interior (a third might be covered by material fallen down from the walls).

Structure A.15 An angular, medium-size structure. It has a possible, but very indistinct, passage to

the north (A.8), and possible entrances to the northwest and southeast. A line of erected stones marks a higher groundlevel in the northwestern part.

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Structure A.16 This is a small, but rather complex structure. It is, groundlevel-wise, divided into

three zones, one of them shaped like a semicircle. The lowest part of the structure is connected to a possible entrance to structure A.15. The entrance to structure A.17 share some features with passages.

Structure A.17 This rather large structure has a possible entrance through its southern corner. The

opening towards A.13 has the character of a passage. There is a distinct change of groundlevel to the southeast, marked by a line of erected stones. A second line of erected stones is partly parallel to the northeastern wall. By the southwestern wall a construction, including two large boulders, is situated.

Structure A.18 This angular structure has three possible entrances, two through the long sides of the

structure, and one near by the southern corner. There is a line of erected stones running in the southeast-northwest direction. The southeastern wall is thin and partly made up by erected stones.

Structure A.19 This is a small structure situated between structures A.4 and A.5, as a kind of

intermediate area. It has one possible passage to A.5. The northern corner consists of a bridge.

13.7.2 The complex of structures in sector VIII

Complex B, Figure 13.3

This complex is situated at the mountain-slopes to the southwest of the alluvial-cone. The slope here is steep, the difference of altitude from the lowest structure in this survey, to the highest, being about 38m. To the north a gully might have damaged parts of the structures. As a rule, the structures in the southern parts of the area are partly covered by collapsed material. The area is divided into eight terrace-levels. Minor slopes are situated between the terraces, where in some places smaller terraces are visible.233 The excavated parts of the complex are situated at terrace-levels 2 and 5 (units 9 and 5).

Structure B.1 This is a rather small structure, diffuse but angular in shape. Possible passage to

structure B.2. The southern part of the structure is probably covered by material fallen down from the precipice.

Structure B.2 Angular in shape and situated to the north of B.1, this rather small structure shows

signs of an inner division. By the northeastern corner two undistinct walls cut off a section of the structure. There is one possible passage to B.1, and a possible entrance to B.4.

233SUSANA SJÖDIN, ‘Sector VIII’. Part 4, this report.

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Structure B.3 Angular in shape, with no distinct connections to any other structure. The northern

part possibly damaged by the gully.

Structure B.4 This is a large area, limited to the south only by the mountain-ridge and to the north

by the gully. Possible passage to B.8 and entrances to B.2, B.9 and B.10. The border towards B.6 is somewhat diffuse, however, a division of the area into two structures have been motivated by a fragment of a wall. The structure includes erected stones.

Structure B.5 This is a very small, rather quadratic structure. It has no visible communication with

any other structure.

Structure B.6 Angular in shape, this structure has an indistinct border to B.4. It has a possible

passage to the north and an entrance to structure B.7.

Structure B.7 Similar to structur B.5, although this structure has an entrance, to B.6.

Structure B.8 Rather undistinct, parts probably covered by material from the slopes. Angular shape.

Possible passage to B.4. There is one mortar-stone.

Structure B.9 Possibly rectangular in shape, although the southern parts are rather diffuse. Possible

entrances to B.4 and B.10.

Structure B.10 This structure differs from the rest in being extended in the east-west direction. To

the north it is limited by the gully. Possible entrances to B.4 and B.12.

Structure B.11 Diffuse, but separated from B.9, B.12 and B.13 by fragments of walls. Parts of the

structure are covered by material from the slopes. It has a possible entrance to B.12, as well as a possible passage or entrance to the same structure.

Structure B.12 Angular with possible entrances to B.10 and B.11. Possible passage or entrance to

B.11. A mortar-stone is situated near the western wall, and also erected stones.

Structure B.13 Partly covered by material from the slopes. The visible parts of the walls show no

signs of any entrances or passages to other structures. The limits of this structure towards B.11 are unclear and there is a possibility of the existence of an intermediate structure between B.11 and B.13.

Structure B.14 This angular structure includes erected stones. No entrances or passages are visible.

The wall towards B.16 is double, which might indicate a passage to B.10. The southwestern part is diffuse.

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Structures B.15 and B.16 The terrace on which structures B.15 and B.16 are situated (T.6) narrows to the

south, giving the structures quite asymmetrical, though angular, shapes. A fragment of a wall has motivated the division into two structures. By the same fragmentary wall a mortar-stone is located. From the northern wall of stucture B.16 a slightly bent wall is pointed towards the centre of the structure, and ends abruptly after four meters.

Structure B.17 This terrace (T.7) narrows in contrast to the former to the north. This makes

structure B.17 expand by its southern end. The wall towards structure B.19 is bent, giving the structure a slightly rounded shape, although the rest of the walls are straight. No signs of any entrances or passages.

Structure B.18 Small and angular, this structure has no visible communication with other structures,

with possible exeption for structure B.10, as there is a gap between the western wall of B.18 and the eastern wall of B.20.

Structure B.19 Small with undistinct limits to the south, structure B.19 has a distinct entrance to

structure B.20. The eastern wall is bent and from that wall another wall is pointed, almost perpendicularly, towards the centre of the structure.

Structure B.20 This structure expands by its northern end and is limited by the gully to the north. It

has an entrance to structure B.19.

13.7.3 Unit 12

Figure 13.4

This unit is situated in the southwestern part of sector IV. It consists, mainly, of three structures, one of them divided into two substructures. An intermediate area will also be treated as a structure (12.3).

Structure 12.1 This is a large rectangular structure, of a type which is often part of the kind of unit

termed “Casa Ambrosetti”. Lines of erected stones run along the southeastern and southwestern sides. Lines along the northwestern and northeastern sides might be covered by collapsed material, probably from the walls. Possible entrances to 12.2, through the southwestern wall and towards the intermediate area. Also a possible passage towards the intermediate area, and oriented towards an opening in structure 12.4. The thickness of the walls varies. A looting-pit was found near the northeastern wall.

Structure 12.2 Small and semicircular, this structure is of a type also associated to the “Casa

Ambrosetti-type” of unit. The rounded walls are in two layers, like outer-and inner-walls, with a filling of soil between. Only one possible entrance, towards 12.1.

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Structure 12.3 This is the intermediate area between structures 12.1 and 12.4. The area shows

indistinct signs of boundaries to the northeast and southwest. The groundlevel here is higher than that of 12.1, while lower than the groundlevel in 12.4.

Structure 12.4 This is a large and rounded structure. The nearly circular wall consists mainly of

erected stones, which makes it differ in character from the stonepaved walls of structure 12.1. To the south a part of the wall differs from the rest, looking more similar to the wall of 12.1. A wall consisting of boulders divides the structure into two parts (substructures).

The northern part of the structure is diffuse, the walls being made up of mainly boulders and showing no distinct shape (possibly damaged by the arroyo). There are three possibe entrances through the rounded wall, one of them towards the intermediate area, and orientated towards a possible passage in the wall of 12.1.

13.7.4 Unit 1

Figure 13.5

Unit 1 is situated in sector III, southeast of complex A. The ground is in this area, compared to the area of complex A, rather flat, with less variation of altitude, although the general inclination of the alluvial-cone is not broken here. The unit consists of three structures (possibly a fourth, south of 1.1 and not included in the survey).

Structure 1.1 This structure is large and angular. It includes three lines of erected stones, a fourth

might be covered by material fallen down from the northwestern wall. The structure has three possible entrances, one through the southwestern wall and one towards each of the two smaller structures. Northwest of the entrance through the southwestern wall a possible “bridge” is situated. The structure is of a type, often associated with the “Casa Ambrosetti”.

Structure 1.2 Small and including both angular and rounded shapes, this structure, to the northwest

of 1.1, has partly massive, thick walls and partly thinner walls. It has one entrance, to 1.1.

Structure 1.3 This small structure, northeast of 1.1, has a more rounded shape. It has an entrance to

structure 1.1.

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13.8 Analyses of the field-data

13.8.1 The functionalistic/materialistic perspective

13.8.1.1 Complex A

As dwellings (Type A) structures A.3, A.10 and A.11 are proposed, the interpretation based on size of the structures. Structure A.9 diverges in type from all other structures, not only in the complex, but in this study as a whole. The circular construction inside A.9 might have functioned as a corral, used when an intensified control over the llamas was desired. For structure A.18, no special function can be ascribed.

Algarrobo (Prosopis alba, P. nigra), growing today in El Pichao, is a possible fodder.234 Some areas inside the complex could possibly have been used for the growing of this fodder. Also a production of vegetable human food is here assumed to have taken place in parts of the complex. Possible cultivation-areas (Type B) are structures A.7, A.8 and perhaps A.4, and A.6. The lines of stones inside A.12, might be traces of an irrigations-system, and this would mean that A.12 have had functions connected to cultivation.

The precence of passages is here interpreted as indicating that the structure has been used in connection with the keeping of domestic animals (Type C). This does not mean that structures including passages, here: structures A.1, A.2, A.5, A.13, A.14 and A.17 (possibly also A.6, A.15 and A.16), exclusively, or even mainly have had this function. The domestic animals in question can with little doubt be assumed to have been llama. Animals kept today in the village of El Pichao is mainly sheep, goat and pig, although an extensive llama herding exists. This is fully in line with the general development of a decline in importance for llama-keeping in favor of the keeping of imported spieces.235

The presence of mortar-stones in structures 1 and 5 suggests that these structures have functioned as activity-areas (Type D), besides their connection to the keeping of domesticated animals.

In the southwestern part of the complex a number of structures (A.15, A.16 and A.17) are interpreted as having essentially or partly been used for transport and communication (Type E), this function might also be proposed for A.19. This functional proposal is represented in Figure 13.7.

13.8.1.2 Complex B

For the function as dwellings (Type A), structures B.5, B.7, B.16, B.18, B.19 and B.20 are suggested, interpretation built on the size of the structures.

Structures B.3 B.14 and B.17 are not bound to any specific function by the presence of choosen elements, a possible function might have been as cultivation areas (Type B).

Possible passages are, preferentially, located to the lower (eastern) parts of the area. As in the case of complex A, passages are here interpreted as indicating the keeping of domesticated animals (Type C). And just as in the former case the structures in question (B.1, B.2, B.4, B.6, and B.9, structures B.7 and B.19 show similar features, but are

234MELODY SHIMADA & IZUMI SHIMADA,‘Prehistoric Llama breeding and herding on the north coast

of Peru’, American antiquity, vol 50, jan. 1985, p.15 235MELODY SHIMADA & IZUMI SHIMADA, op cit, p.3

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estimated as being too small to be included in the type) might well have other functiones besides their connection to the keeping of domesticated animals.

Structures containing mortar-stones (B.8, B.12 and B.15) are proposed to have been activity-areas (Type D), at least partly connected to the treatment of vegetables.

In the northern part of the complex, structures B.6 and B.10 are proposed to form an internal transport and communication system for the area (Type E).

In the southern parts of the area stuctures B.1, B.11 and B.13 are obscured by material to such an extent that proposals according to possible functions are not possible. This functional proposal is represented in Figure 13.8.

13.8.1.3 Units 1 and 12

Units 1 and 12 are situated not far apart and show smilarities in types and combinations of structures why they are here treated together.

At least two types of structures can be distinguished. One large angular type, and one smaller, rounded or partly rounded type. Structures 1.1 and 12.1 belong to the former type, while structures 1.2, 1.3 and 12.2 are included in the latter type. As the character of the wall is not one of the choosen elements, the rather special wall of 12.2 is not enough to suggest a separation of this structure from the type which includes 1.2 and 1.3.

The small size and the absence of elements associated to any special activity suggests a function as dwellings (Type A) for the smaller type of structures. Structures 1.1 and 12.1 might be interpreted as cultivation-areas (Type B), alternatively pasture for domesticated animals (Type C) and activity-areas (Type D). The shape and size of the structures, as well as the presence of erected stones, are features they share with structure A.14 of complex A. The proposal will therefore be that they have had functions connected to the keeping of domesticated animals (Type C), although they both lack the type of entrance which motivated the interpretation of structure A.14 (the passage). But this function has probably not been the only one, they might for example have functioned as activity-, or cultivation-areas as well.

The diverging characters of structures 12.3 and 12.4 make the interpretation of their functions rather difficult. It might be doubted that structure 12.4 is contemporary to the rest of unit 12, but that this is the case is indicated by the relation between entrances of structures 12.1 and 12.4, as well as by the partly similar walls of structures 12.2 and 12.4. The presence of mortar-stones in 12.4 suggests a function connected to the treatment of seeds or other parts of vegetables, this does not explain the functional use of a division into two substructures. But it should be mentioned that the wall dividing the structure is low and partly has the character of piles of stone, rather than a regular wall. It might thus be connected to some activity, rather than, in fact, separating two substructures. Structure 12.3 might have had the function of a passage used for the transporting of domesticated animals in and out of 12.1. This functional proposal is represented in fig 13.9.

13.8.1.4 A functionalistic/materialistic comparison between complexes and units

Tables 13.1-3

The three areas (complex A, complex B and units 1 and 12) have a lot in common regarding types of elements. Some significative differences are notable, anyhow. Bridges only occur in complex A. With possibly one exeption, the same is valid for shiftings of

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groundlevel. Erected stones are present in about half of the structures of complex A and units 1 and 12, while being far less common in complex B.

According to the interpretation above complex A contained far more cultivation-areas than complex B, which is supported by the fact that irrigation probably have been a difficult task on the steep hillside. This could mean that while complex A has had a certain degree of selfsufficiency, complex B has been more dependent, has had more specialized functions and has been more of a component of a system. In units 1 and 12 there have been possibilities of treating, and possibly also cultivating vegetables. Some degree of selfsufficiency might have been the case here, as well as in complex A.

13.8.2 The social, symbolical perspective

13.8.2.1 A comparison between the three groups of structures

On a macro-level a comparison between the material on complex A and the material on complex B gives at hand both similarities and differences. While sharing some basic features, like the general size and shape of structures, complex B shows a much higher degree of regularity, and a lower degree of divergent elements, like circles. None of those differences could be explained by the fact that different methods of measuring have been used. The regularity and restriction of the lines and shapes of an area is here interpreted as an indication of domination over nature, as well as a marking of a power-position. By showing their sovereignity over nature and their ability to manipulate, people also give a signal of their power, to other people. The regularity of complex B, together with its location, in an elevated position on the mountain-slope, gives the impression of a concentration of power to this part of the site. It also gives the impression of a general plan for the construction of complex B, not a slowly growing colonization of the area. By the often straight lines and angles of complex B, the area inside the complex is cut off from the surroundings and is, to a greater extent than in the case of complex A, artificial. Only in complex B we have structures without entrances and thus completely cut off from the surroundings. The complex B might well have been the residence of a local elite.

The complex A, then, with its lower degree of restriction and regularity, will be interpreted as having possessed less power. In contrast to complex B, complex A shows signs of having been constructed in portions over a long timespan, without any general planning. This impression, of a rather slow accumulation of constructions, is in line with a bit-by-bit expansion of the settlement to cope with needs for larger living-, work-, or cultivation-areas. This leads me to conclude that complex A has been of importance mainly for the production and provision of food and other materials, its power-position has been weak.

Units 1 and 12 shows a quite different macro-pattern. The units are situated not far apart, but there are no clear evidence of a continuity of the settlement over the intermediate area. The units consist of just a few structures. This leads me to ascribe a certain independence to those units in relation to the areas previously described. This type of unit might be termed “household-units”, supposed to have housed just a single household. Unit 12 differs from unit 1 by the large rounded structure (12.4) situated north of the large rectangular structure (12.1). The unit also includes an intermediate area between those structures (12.3). The large rounded structure of unit 12 is complex.

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It includes a wall, consisting of a low wall and boulders. North of this wall the structure seems to disintergrate. Here it gets more and more difficult to tell the artificial from the natural. While structures 12.1 and 12.2 are associated with culture (and strict lines), 12.4 seems more associated with nature. Following the former discussion (on complexes A and B) this gives the structures quite different statuses and might reflect evaluations of the activities performed in the different structures.

13.8.2.2 A comparison between different parts of complex A

An attempt to distinguish a social pattern inside complex A by comparing the content of elements inside structures on opposite sides of a chosen line give no significant result by placing the line in the northwest-southeast direction (Figure 13.10 and table 13.4). The same result is reached by placing the line northeast-southwest (Figure 13.11, table 13.5). For bridges and mortar-stones some differences in number do occur, but the total number of those elements inside the complex is estimated as being too small, to allow any conclusions to be drawn upon them alone. A further attempt to find a spatial differentiation inside complex A can be made by defining “complex structures” as structures containing more than 2 types of the chosen elements. This gives a result similar to the former attempt as the complex structures are spread all over the complex A, and do not seem to be more frequent in any particular part (Figure 13.12, table 13.6).

This leads me to conclude that no social pattern inside complex A can be traced by using the chosen elements. On a visual basis however it can be mentioned that the southeastern part of the complex (A.14, A.17, A.18) shows tendencies towards more regularity and possibly a planned construction.

13.9 Discussion and conclusions

13.9.1 Discussion

This have been an attempt to treat a material in two rather different ways. During the work it has however become clear that even if the angles from which one may look at a material and the aspects one may be interested in are innumerable, the material in itself, or the number of ways in which it might be meningfully manipulated is limited. I have tried to polarize two approaches in order to make visible some practical aspects of the often very theoretical discussions on archaeological method and theory. This is of course a very subjective way of treating the problem, as I myself defines the approaches. Anyhow, the two approaches have not been directly identified with any existing “schools” or researchers. Here I will first mention some theoretical aspects of the two approaches and also give some examples of standpoints from the contemporary debate in archaeology, as a background to a discussion on which conclusion one might draw from the studies in this paper.

Amongst the more important ingredients of the functionalistic/material-istic-perspective is the belief in a certain method by which statements about the past (deduced from a general theory) might be tested and knowledge gained. In this paper it has, by reasons previously described, not been possible to include an example of this part of the process. Anyway, this discussion would be pointless without taking into account also

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this part of the perspective. Partly the aim of the methodology associated with the functionalistic/materialistic-perspective is to eliminate (or at least minimize) the importance of “who performs the act of science”. The procedure is thought to render unimportant the (personal) beliefs and opinions kept by the individual archaeologist. How an hypotesis is created is not important, but how it is tested236. The testing is made by confronting it with material of another category than that which it was proposed to explain. Some major criticism of the New Archaeology focuses at this point:

-Data are constituted within theories, and thus cannot be used for independent testing of theories.237

-Interpretation cannot be avoided by the use of a certain methodology.238

This might be seen as a part of a general criticism of the positivistic and popperianistic influenced directions which have had strong positions in the social sciences during the mid 20th-century. But rather than adopting the views of the philosophical critics belonging to the dicipline of theory of science (eg. Kuhn, Feyerabend, Hanson and others), the critics dealt with here (eg. Hodder, Shanks and Tilley) have been influenced by directions within the social sciences and humanities, like (post-) structuralism, critical theory, marxism and hermeneutics in an attempt of creating an alternative approach. Thus they are not mere critics. Although different authors have defined their approaches in somewhat different ways, and it thus might not be possible to speak of “one alternative approach”, some basic assumptions are shared:

The material culture is seen as meningfully constituted, as a carrier of mening. At the same time it (the material culture of past societies, or that which remains of it) is an object on which we project the present, or aspects of the present. It is thus not a simple matter of detecting the symbolic pattern of the material culture. The process must involve a code-breaking and a translation. As a metaphor, text-analysis is frequently used.

The text-metaphor is for example used by Linda E. Patrik when she derives the New Archaeology and the Postprocessual Archaeology from two different ways of perciving the archaeological record. The postprocessual archaeologists understand the record as analogous to a text, created by purpose and choice. The new archaeologists, on the other hand, regards the record as a sort of “fossil” remainder of an extinct society. Here causal laws and processes are responsible for the formation of the archaeological record.239

Some major criticism focuses on the relativistic aspect of Postprocessual Archaeology:

-If the views of the Postprocessual Archaeology were to be adopted it would be impossible to distinguish scientific archaeology from propaganda and pure fiction.240, 241

236LEWIS R BINFORD (citing Hempel), ‘Archeological perspectives’. New perspectives on archaeology,

Chicago, 1968, p.17 237IAN HODDER, ‘Beyond processual archaeology’, Perspective on archaeological theory and method,

1984, p.52 238MICHAEL SHANKS AND CHRISTOPHER TILLEY, ‘Archaeolgy into the 1990s’. Norwegian

archaeological Review, vol. 22, no 1/1989, p.2 239LINDA E PATRIK ‘Is there an Archaeological record?’. pp. 33-40, Advances in archaeological

method and theory, vol. 8/1985, pp. 33-40 240BRUCE G TRIGGER, ‘Comments on Archaeology into the 1990s’,Norwegian archaeological Review,

vol. 22, no 1/1989, p. 29

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-“The practice of archaeology becomes the exercise of the preference, the will or whim, of the researcher, rather than the diciplined acquisition of knowledge”242

When reading the debate, one sometimes gets the impression that only two possibilities exist: Either one hang on to the strive for objectivety and the searching of ways to judge and test hypoteses and their validity in some “absolute” sence. Or one takes the consequence of the problems connected to any claim for an objective method of evaluation and accepts a “past-as-wished-for” (Renfrews expression243).

13.9.2 Conclusions according to the two approaches

I will now discuss what conclusion one might draw from the application of the two approaches used in this paper on the material on room-structures in El Pichao.

13.9.2.1 The functionalistic/materialistic approach

When using this approach it was assumed that all traces of constructions on the site area of El Pichao have once been functional parts of some sort of system. The idea is to put forward a functional explanation to that which can be observed on the site area. The validity of the proposed explanation is then thought to be judged by testing against some other category of material. This is considered to be an independent testing. For practical reasons some assumptions were necessary:

-By the terminology used, walls were supposed to have functioned as walls, not for example as pathways.

-Presence of mortars, was assumed to be connected to treatment of parts of vegetables, crushing of quartz and alike, and was taken as an indication of cultivation.

-Contemporaneity was assumed for all units and complexes. (The picture might in fact be much more complicated, as a time-depth might exist inside the units. If, for instance, the complex A is built on an older terrace-system, that would explain the presence of shifts of ground-level within some of its structures.)

-Basic assumptions were made: The inhabitants were supposed to have been humans, not extraterrestials. It was further assumed that the needs of the society and its inhabitants were much the same as that of any other society.

The picture which will arise is that of a society (or system) working in, or striving for, equilibrium (or harmony, in a functional sense). There is a lack of ability to cope with features of a society not arised by mere functional causes. There is an apparent danger that traces of the nonfunctional aspects of a society - for example conflicts - will be treated as where they parts of a functional system, and thus will not be properly understood. This results in an inflexibility, as the way of testing proposals nearly presupposes that the explanation to be sought is a functional one. In the case of complex

241COLIN A RENFREW, ‘Comments on Archaeology into the 1990s’,Norwegian archaeological

Review, vol. 22, no 1/1989, p. 34 242COLIN A RENFREW, op cit, p. 36 243COLIN A RENFREW, op cit, p. 36

142

B a proposal like that of the social/symbolical-perspective (which included considerations about how the people of the past might have experienced their reality) might well be rejected because of lack of testability. And in the long run, I believe, there is a risk the questions about nonfunctional aspects of a society, originally rejected because of the problems connected to testability, might be regarded as unimportant.

13.9.2.2 The social/symbolical approach

When using this approach it was admitted that assumptions were made which might set /the interpretation off/ in a cerain direction. This means that whatever the result of the study might be, it gives a picture of the past, which is in fact just one in a number of possible pictures. In the study, the differences in structure of the units and complexes were interpreted as due to a social differentiation. Attention was, for example, not payed to the possibility that the cause of the more restricted and regular character of complex B, was that this kind of structure is necessary for constructions on the hillside. The combination of a fragmentary and incomplete material and pretentious interpretations might have as a consequence that simple explanations will be overlooked. At the same time I think that the kind of questions, treated here by the social/symbolical approach, cannot be ignored, as they today are part of the theoretical discussion, and thus also part of the researchers awareness.

By stating that any picture of the past is just one of several possible pictures, I do not mean that alternative pictures necessarily exclude each other. They deal with different aspects of the past, and might be equally true.

Just as in the case of the functionalistic/materialistic-study, the social/symbolical-study in this paper is incomplete. The social interpretation, based on the material on room-structures, must be shown to be valid also for other categories of material. This of course might be seen as analogous to the testing of hypotheses when using the functionalistic/materialistic-approach. But the procedure does usually not have the character of an “absolute testing” of the proposal.244

13.9.2.3 Comments

By the functionalistic/materialistic-perspective, El Pichao is treated as an example of something. The basic needs of the inhabitants of this society were identical to the needs of thousands and millions of inhabitants of other societies all over the world. And thus, the purpose of the constructions and structures were the same as everywere (at least where the development had reached a corresponding level). The societies and constructions do differ between societies, this is because the environment, climate and topography, varies between areas. In the background an idea of some kind of an ideal, or a standard society, can be traced.

When introducing other factors into the analysis, as in the social/symbolical-study in this paper, the picture gets more complex. As different factors interact, no matter if a standard society in a vacuum would always develop in the same way, the society will develop in a direction which renders it unique. It cannot simply be interpreted as striving for the “standard solution”, but prevented from reaching it by special circumstances, because the circumstances, inside and outside the society, interacting with each other, creates a structure which might well not have the goal of reaching this “standard solution”.

244See for example: MICHAEL SHANKS and CHRISTOPHER TILLEY, Reconstructing archaeology,

Cambridge 1987, pp. 167-171

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13.10 Summary

Field data on room-structures at the archaeological site of El Pichao in northwestern Argentine has been treated using two rather different approaches, one termed “functionalistic/materialistic” and the other termed “social/symbolical”. The data used were taken from surveys carried out at the site in 1989 and 1990. The approaches are discussed both generally, as perspectives, and specially, as approaches to, and ways of treating, a specific material.

References

AMBROSETTI, JUAN B, ‘La antigua ciudad de Quilmes’. Boletin del Instituto Geografico Argentino , XVIII, Buenos Aires 1897.

BINFORD, LEWIS R, ‘Archeological perspectives’. New perspectives on archaeology, Chicago, 1968. BINFORD, LEWIS R, ‘Meaning, inference and the material record’. Ranking, resource and exchange,

Cambridge university press, Cambridge 1982. BINFORD, LEWIS R, In pursuit of the past, London 1983. BOMAN, ERIC, Antiquités de la region andine de la République Argentine et du désert d'Atacama, I-

II. Paris 1908. BRUCH, CARLOS, Exploraciones arqueólogicas en las provincias de Tucumán y Catamarmarca, vol

5. Buenos Aires 1911. CORNELL, PER, ‘Prospection at El Pichao in 1989’. El Pichao 1989. FLANNERY, KENT, ‘Culture history v. culture process: a debate in American archaeology’. Scientific

American, vol. 217/1967, pp. 119-122. HODDER, IAN, ‘Beyond processual archaeology’, Perspective on archaeological theory and method,

1984. HODDER, IAN ‘Postprocessual archaeology’. Advances in archaeological method and theory, ed.

Michael B. Schiffer, New York, vol. 8, 1985. HODDER, IAN, Reading the past. Cambridge, 1986. NUÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR A, ‘Considerations on the periodizations of Northwest Argentina’.

Advances in Andean archaeology, The Hague 1978, pp. 453-484. PATRIK, LINDA E., ‘Is there an Archaeological record?’, Advances in archaeological method and

theory, vol. 8/1985, pp. 33-40. RENFREW, COLIN A., ‘Comments on Archaeology into the 1990s’,Norwegian archaeological Review,

vol. 22, no 1/1989. SHANKS, MICHAEL & CHRISTOPHER TILLEY, ‘Archaeolgy into the 1990s’. Norwegian

archaeological Review, vol. 22, no 1/1989. SHANKS, MICHAEL & CHRISTOPHER TILLEY, Reconstructing archaeology, Cambridge 1987. SHIMADA, MELODY & IZUMI SHIMADA,‘Prehistoric Llama breeding and herding on the north

coast of Peru’, American antiquity, vol 50, jan. 1985. TRIGGER, BRUCE G, ‘Comments on Archaeology into the 1990s’,Norwegian archaeological Review,

vol. 22, no 1/1989.

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14. The village of El Pichao today

Martha Ortiz de Malmierca, Department of archaeology, University of Stockholm

The actual El Pichao village is situated at parallel 26-27, meridian 67 in the Calchaqui

Valleys, on the right side of the river which bears the same name. At km 1016 of the national road nr 40, that runs on south-north direction parallel to

the Santa Maria river, lies the village of Colalao del Valle. From here a 7 km long local road is the connection with El Pichao.

This area that lies 10 km south of Salta and north of Catamarca is Tucumáns part of the Calchaqui Valleys.

The Pichao river is a tributary to the Santa Maria river, the big collector of the region. Its volume varies during the diffrent seasons of the year. During the dry season the volume is minimal but it increases during the summer rains. An important part of it is absorbed by the permeable sediments of its alluvial fan.

The Xerophite vegetation of bushes and cactaceae is characteristic of this arid, stony soil. The most important element of its phytography is the teasel (opuntingata), that grows during a long period of time,some of them can live up to 100 years and become several meters high. Other vegetable species that can be found are cactaceae, thicocereus pasacana, larrea, gourliaca spinosa and the algarrobo (prosopis). The last one is the tree par excellence in the area and is usually called "tree" by the locals. It has a fruit from which breadstuffs can be extracted and may even be used to make spirituous beverages.

Administratively, El Pichao belongs to the municipality of Colalao del Valle. Colalao and its influence area has approximately 350 hectares under irrigation. Several types of cultivation are found which are directly related to the area's production features.245

Fodder, alfa-alfa and barley, are cultivated for bovine and ovine cattle. Fruits, peaches, apples and walnuts, are the most important production areas. Walnuts, in particular, is the income source of the El Pichao inhabitants. Some farms have several hectares and a maximum production of a thousand kilos of walnuts a year. The trees produce 50 kg of nuts per harvest, these are collected once a year in the begining of the autum.

El Pichao has drinkable water and electricity but no collective transport. It has a health center but no establishment selling foodstuffs.

It is a community of small farmers with an agrarian structure resulting from the desintegration of the haciendas and the subdivision of the earth among the ex-"mitimayos"; both were economic patterns existing during colonial times. Today their

245MOIRA LILJESTRÖM, personal conversation concerning 1988's rapport on the Tucumáns University

Aid and Developement Project, Colalao del Valle group.

146

work is not only dedicated to subsistence agriculture, but even to the comercialization of the products.246

Youth emigration towards urban centres in search of better employment possibilities is a common fact in rural areas in the NW of Argentina. This is one of the clearest indicators of the stagnation of the prodution stucture of the area.247

Low populations density, characteristic in Argentina, is even more enphasized in the NW. The problem worsers with growing emigration to the dynamic centres of the country -Buenos Aires and the pampean area.

It is also important to point out that the peasants subjection to the landowners domination, which has been continuous during the last hundred years, is as a cause of the poverty situation in the area. Racedo 1988.248 Today they continue with the colonial model; they change a burder for the right to use the land.

This situation, observed at El Pichao, is even worse in neighbouring communities such as Talapazo.249

The legality of land titles abduced by the big landowners does not appear clearly proven. The majority of the settlers are in dispute over the possession of the land and have refuse to pay since the 1970's. Rosa Soria de Caro, health officer and Talapazo inhabitant is one of the peoples leaders in this struggle.

Several projects are being realized in the area to assist the inhabitants initiatives, and to generate activities that promote developement. The National Universities are involved, working with technical aid and community promotion.

The University of Tucumán started through the Department of University Extension an Aid and Developement Project that operates in all the province. The professional team in Colalao del Valle is formed by graduates from agronomy, architecture, nursery, medicin, psicology and social sciences.250

Another of the projects is E.C.I.R.A. (which stands for Inter-disciplinary Compared Studies of the Andine Region). It has its site in Amaicha del Valle but covers a large area which includes part of Colalao del Valle.251 The project is a result of an agreement elaborated with the community of Amaicha del Valle and signed by the University of Buenos Aires, the Faculty of Philosophy and the M.L.A.L. (Movimiento Laici per l'America Latina). It aims to support the principal activity of the area, agriculture, through aid programes, experiments and investigation.252

246REBORATTI, "Migraciones de travailleurs andes-piemont" in L'organisation del espace dans les

andes argentines, C.N.R.S. Revue de geographie alpine, Paris,1988,T LXXVI. 247FURLANI DE CIVIT, GUITERRES DE MANCHON, SCHILAN DE BECETTE, BARRIOS DE

VILLANUEVA, "Depeument et qualité de la vie dans l'oest argentine", o.p., 1988. 248 RACEDO, JOSEFINA, Crítica de la vida cotidiana en comunidades campesinas- Doña Rosa una

mujer del noroeste argentino. Ed. Cinco, Buenos Aires, 1988, p. 194. 249 The same family that claims the property of all Talapazo is "owner" as well of the Quilmes ruins.

Tucumán province is by law obliged to pay a huge amount of money for the expropiation.op. cit. p 198.

250 After a three months post-graduate course, the interdisciplinary team works fifteen months in a village giving social and technical aid to the community. It is financed from private and provincial funds. The work is being devloped in six villages In Colalao del Valle the residents are building more classrooms for the school and together with the students a collective orchard and a henhouse. They started activities for the handicapped and are working on the developement of appropriated technologies such as solar fruit driers, solar water heating, windmills, etc. This rapport is a product of an interview with the residents of the project in Colalao del Valle done by the architect Omar Varela during of summer 1989.

251 Norte Andino boletín rural semestral, ECIRA, nr 2, january 1989. 252Interview with the agronomist Fernando Korstanje incharge of the Amaicha Project.

147

In this article we are going to discuss the scientists projection on the community of the area where they work and the preservation of the archeological fields.

Following the idea that all scientific activity should be inserted in the community the members of the project in the pilot campaign from summer 1989 met the inhabitants to explain the presence of investigators in the area and also why so many of them where foreigners. Two meetings were held, one in Colalao where we resided and one in El Pichao. On both ocassions the people was very open and wanted to help and inform about the archeological sites that they knew. Many of them had worked in the reconstruction of the Quilmes ruins realized during the military dictatorship.

Despite the national legislation for protection of archeological sites (Law nr. 9080 from 1913) and the provincial law from 1974, the problem with the plunder of archeological sites remains.

This phenomenom, that carries the regional name of "huaquerismo", has repeatedly been denounced by archeologists, in the case of N.W. Argentina by Rex Gonzalez and Gloria Loyola, 1982.253

The Archeology Institute of the Universty of Tucumán has, as one of the goals of its investigation plan, to preserve the archeological patrimony and the projection of these goals to the community. To develope the concience in the community so that they watch over the archeological sites, to facilitate communication with the professionals and to avoid or mitigate destruction and looting of the archeological sites.254

References

FURLANI DE CIVIT, GUITERRES DE MANCHON, SCHILAN DE BECETTE, BARRIOS DE VILLANUEVA, "Depeument et qualité de la vie dans l'oest argentine", o.p., 1988.

GONZÁLEZ, A R & GLORIA LOYOLA, "Rescue Archeology Papers, The First New World Conference on Rescue Archeology", Washington, 1982.

Norte Andino boletín rural semestral, ECIRA, nr 2, january 1989. NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, VICTOR, "Estudio de la incidencia de la dinámica entre poblaciones que habitaron

las tierras bajas sobre el desarrollo histórico y cultural del noroeste argentino".1988. RACEDO, JOSEFINA, Crítica de la vida cotidiana en comunidades campesinas- Doña Rosa una mujer

del noroeste argentino. Buenos Aires, 1988. REBORATTI, "Migraciones de travailleurs andes-piemont" in L'organisation del espace dans les andes

argentines, C.N.R.S. Revue de geographie alpine, Paris,1988,T LXXVI.

253 ALBERTO REX GONZÁLEZ, GLORIA LOYOLA, "Rescue Archeology Papers, The First New World

Conference on Rescue Archeology", Washinton, 1982. 254 VICTOR NÚÑEZ REGUEIRO, "Estudio de la incidencia de la dinámica entre poblaciones que

habitaron las tierras bajas sobre el desarrollo histórico y cultural del noroeste argentino".1988, p 64.

148

Figura 2:1 Distribución de sitios Aguada

1. Coyo Oriente 51. Andalgalá 101. Tebenquiche II 2. El Diablo 52. Pilciao 102. Punta Colorada 3. Brealito II 53. Villavil 103. Los Morteros 4. Vaquerías 54. Corral Quemado 104. La Florida 5. La Angostura 55. La Florida 105. Tinogasta 6. La Represa 56. Las Faldas 106. Montura de Gigante 7. Tacuil 57. Condorhuasi 107. Costa de Reyes 8. Angastaco 58. La Ciénaga 108. Santa Cruz 9. San Rafael 59. Guiyische 109. Pituil 10. San Lucas 60. Yacoutula 110. Cerrito Negro 11. San Carlos 61. La Toma 111. Campanas 12. La Banda 62. La Aguada (Dto Belén) 112. Chañarmuyo 13. Rupachico 63. Simbolar 113. Angulos 14. El Arbolar 64. Shincal 114. Carrizal Alto 15. El Pichao 65. Londres 115. Valle Hermoso 16. Talapazo 66. Belén 116. La Troya 17. Amaicha 67. Las Garrochas 117. Los Troyanos 18. Molino del Puesto 68. Campo Cerro Colorado 118. Las Eras Viejas 19. Caspinchango 69. Cuesta de Zapata 119. Vinchina 20. Santa María 70. Allpataucas 120. Bella Vista 21. Andalhualá 71. Lorohuasi (Dto San Blas 121. El Galfón 22. Punta de Balasto de los Sauces) 122. El Toro 23. Campo del Arenal 72. Lomas Coloradas 123. Famatina 24. Aconquija 73. Encalta 124. Tilimuqui 25. La Calera 74. Bañado del Pantano 125. Sañogasta 26. Escaba 75. Salicas 126. Guandacol 27. Yánimas 76. San Blas 127. Volpiansky 28. Huasapampa 77. Los Robles 128. Los Pozos 29. El Rincón 78. Schaqui 129. Pachimoco 30. Pucará 79. Yacoutula 130. Niquivil 31. Singuil 80. Suriyaco 131. Barrealito 32. Los Varela 81. Tuyubil 132. Amakeya 33. Los Castillos 82. Aimogasta 133. Corral de la Viña 34. La Aguada (Dpt Ambato) 83. Los Molinos 134. Fuerte Quemado 35. La Rinconada 84. Chaqui 36. Piedra Blanca 85. Siján 37. Rodeo Grande 86. Mutquín 38. La Merced 87. Pomán 39. Pomancillo 88. Tuscamayo 40. Catamarca 89. Pajanco 41. Quebrada de los Angeles 90. El Retiro 42. Caminera Chilecito 91. Huaco 43. Agua Colorada 92. Sanagasta 44. Huillapima 93. Los Sauces 45. Capayán 94. Pucará del Medio 46. El Vallecito 95. El Cantadero 47. La Tunita 96. La Puerta 48. Icaño 97. Palo Blanco 49. Huasán 98. Saujil 50. Chaquiago 99. Lorohuasi (Dto Tinogasta) 100. Guanchín