max weber - conceptofpower

8/16/2019 Max Weber - Conceptofpower

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CONCEPT OF POWER

By

Max Weber


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Weber's understanding of power represents the most important point in his sociology of power. No category cannot be seen Weber's understanding of politics, as well as its definition of the

state. Great importance has Weber's distinction between power and authority. The second part of

the text deals with issues of social division of power. As part of this exhibit is Weber's views onclass and stocs, as well as the political parties.

!ey words" power, authority, legitimacy, bureaucratic power, a traditional power, charismatic

power, classes and castes, political parties


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HISTORICAL CONTEXT THEORETICAL

The second half of the nineteenth century, the time of Weber's study and intellectual maturation

flows in Germany mared the historical school led by #eopold von $ane. At the heart of this

theory is the notion of the direction of the country and that %state power% &achtstaat(. This is

one of the main reasons which could explain the rise and influence of the historical school inGermany that time. %)ower is as unifying and con*uering power, obsessive sub+ect of interest for

scientists and politicians' , because Germany of that time, not only on the long-awaited reunion,

but in relation to ngland, /rance and $ussia, represent a ind of uropean periphery. 0o, the

obsession with the issue of power of the German historical school can be explained by a double

purpose" &a( internal, in the form of legitimate national-patriotic aspirations for unification1 and

&b( outside, in terms of pretense to enter the circle of ma+or uropean powers and participation in

the colonial division of the pie. /or the unification of Germany is the most meritorious of

)russia, who carried on the wor pattern of %power politics% &achtpoliti(.

The next feature of the spiritual situation in Germany in the second half of the nineteenth century

was a strong idealist tradition in philosophy and the social sciences, which are influenced by the

large philosophical and theoretical systems of !ant and 2egel.


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SCOPE OF POWER

2is theory of power, and political sociology as a whole, Weber devised the distinctive conceptions

of social action, social relations, and in particular from a single conception of politics, the state and

form of government. #et's loo at its briefest form of how 3 Weber understands and defines the broader conceptual framewors within which stores and defines the concept of power as a ey

concept of political sociology.

• The forms of social action

There are, according to Weber, the four forms of social action"

4. $ational target" When the wor &or not wor( in accordance with the expectation of behavior outside world and other people to achieve their own ob+ectives which are rational weight1

. 5alue-rational" when you consciously believe in ethical, aesthetic, religious, or other absolute

value of a certain behavior, because of the value and success of independent action16. Affective, especially emotionally" When the wor in accordance with the current affects the

mental state"

7. Traditional" When the wor in accordance with established habits and customs.4

The power by Weber8s concept is a form of social action in order to enforce their own will.9bviously, each of the above four aspects of social action can serve as the basis and content of

the process of power.

• Social relationship

Weber's definition of power, as we shall see later, includes the concept of social relations. The

phenomenon of power is, therefore, possible within a certain social relations. :nder the social

relationship between the Weber means %behavior of a large number of people for its content of well mutually ad+usted and time-oriented. 0ocial relationship consists, therefore, wholly and

exclusively in the outloo for social wor on some &meaningful( way possible, no matter where

you are based prospects. %As he points out, $einhard ;endix &$einhard ;endix( power is, in the

most general sense, Weber's views, aspect of most, if not all social relations. 9ne can manifestthe power of the maret, for lecturing tenure at the evening reception, sporting or scientific

discussion in erotic or relative of charity%. True, he adds that the use of the concept of power in

this broad sense had little scientific benefit and usefulness.6

1 Max Weber, Economy and Society, 1976, Belgrade, Education, the frst, with 17

! $einhard ;endix, 4alifornia )ress, ;ereley, #osAngeles, #ondon, p.


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• Weber's understanding of politics

When directly ased what he means by politics Weber, in his famous lecture-)olitics as a

5ocation, gives the following answer" %conduct or influence the conduct of a political

organi@ation, in our case - the state%. And he adds" %The policy will, therefore, for us that meansstriving for the participation in power or influence on the distribution of power between any

states or between groups of people in the state in which they live%. /or Weber's understanding of

politics and the political process is an important concept and political relations. The politicalrelationship is one of the possible manifestations of social relations. As with any social

relationship, so even in the case of political relations meaningful content can vary depending on

the circumstances. Weber is illustrated by the following example" %The political relationship based on solidarity, can turn into a conflict of interest%.7 3f it is a social relationship in general,

and in particular the political relation, function-oriented intention to conduct own will against the

resistance of one or more partners, then it is about fighting. :nlie combat, competition is

characteri@ed by the use of peaceful means. 0o it turns out that conflicts of interest and fight toimpose their own will is the essential elements of Weber's conception of power. 0ome authors go

even further, arguing that the concept of %resistance% &%resistance%( essential for the

understanding of Weber's conception of power relations. 3n theoretical discussions of Weber %insufficient and inade*uate price appreciates that in his analysis, power and resistance to two

distinct but interrelated aspects of power relations%, says ;arbalet.B 2ere one can point outone interesting, and in relation to the previous, completely different interpretation of Weber'sconcepts of power offered by 5ladimir Gligorov. Gligorov analy@es the competitive and

cooperative dimension of Weber's concept of power. While acnowledging that the definition

already see that the power of a competitive type of political values, and that the government has

a cooperative value, Gligorov comes to the following conclusion" %The power can be ac*uiredeven in spite of resistance from other people, a bar with their consent. 0o, in the opinion of

Gligorov main special feature of Weber's concepts of power comes down to his understanding of

government, because %the government is cooperative power, by definition.% Therefore, concludes

that %Weber's understanding of one of the most ambitious attempts to re+ect competitive and todefend cooperatively understanding of power.%C 3n Weber's sociological categori@ation important place belongs to social formations, such as family, church, state. According to Weber's explicitassertion of all political formations are products that use violence. = When we say politicallyinfluenced or made a decision then, according to Weber, is always thining about the distribution

of interest, i.e., the maintenance and increase of power" %Who is involved in politics, tends power" power as a tool in the service of other goals &ideal or egoistic(, or power for its own sae

'" to en+oy the feeling of prestige that it provides %. D Already from these few statements it is clear that in Weber8s conception there is a deep connection between power and politics, power and

interests.

• Weber's definition of the state

# Max Weber, 1976, economy and society, and that, $% cit, % 19th& ..;arbalet, )ower and resistance, The ;ritish ournal of 0ociology, 5olume EEE53, Number 7, p. B64.6 'ladimir (ligoro), %olitical e)aluation, $% cit, % **th7 Max Weber, in 1976, Economy and Society, 'ol ++, Education, Belgrade, with 1&th* Max Weber, olitics as a 'ocation, $% chit s #"#th


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A similar connection with a category can easily be observed in Weber's general definition of a

political community, and especially the state. The term political community Weber implies such a

community by their activities manifest willingness to use physical, and even the armed forces tothe rule stipulated its participants a sub+ugated territory and the behavior of people who are

permanently or temporarily located on it.


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The basic functions of the state are, in Weber's view, the following" &a( the establishment of law

&legislative function(1 &b( protect the personal safety and public order &police(1 &c( protection of

ac*uired rights &+ustice(1 &d( fostering hygiene, pedagogical, social-political and other culturalinterest &the various branches of the administration(1 &e( and, in particular, organi@ed violent

protection from the dangers of the outside &military government(.4C Weber's definition of power

Weber's definition of power is one of the most influential and widely cited definition in textsdealing with the analysis of the phenomenon of power. This famous definition is" %)ower is a

prospect that within a social relationship will conduct its own despite resistance, regardless of

base in these prospects.%4= 3n this definition, the concept of power, which in Weber's terminologymars the German word acht, there are several important points. /irst, the power to determine

the plausible manner, as set loos or probability, not as a strict causal lin. 0econd, power is

established and implemented within a social relationship, and not in a social vacuum, or in the

case of an isolated individual. Third, the main contents or purpose of the power to impose andenforce their own will. /ourth, the implementation of our own will tae place despite the

resistance. And fifth, the power is established regardless of base in the prospects for its

reali@ation. :nlie power, %the rule should call liely to be a certain person to obey commands

specific content%. 2ere the term power denotes the German word 2errschaft, which has twomeanings" the rope, in terms of political or administrative authority or authorities of the 0tate1

and beyond in terms of governance and management, powers and dominaci+e.D 2ence, as notedabove, often lucy score that is the core of Weber's political sociology of his government, and

sociology of domination.4D

Weber Sociology AUTHORITIES

As for the government, as opposed to diffuse the notion of power, relationship management andsubordination has institutional framewor, or in other words, %it means that the government

institutionali@ed power%.4


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needs an authority, because the management of administration must always someone at hand to

give any power of command %.4

Legitiacy COUNTR!

9ne of the ey issues of Weber's theory of power is a *uestion of ways and forms of social

legitimation of power. Weber's sociology of government is best nown for the analysis of three

types of legitimate authority. These three types of power, and three bases of legitimacy of powerof command, are" affordable government bureaucracy, traditional patriarchal authority and

charismatic authority.

A certain minimum common agreement of members of a society and all significant social classesin it, especially the underprivileged, is a prere*uisite for stability and duration of each, even the

best organi@ed government. This approval represents the essence of the legitimacy of each order.

)articipants in social action, especially in the social relation, can be oriented towards the showthe existence of a legitimate order. The legitimacy of an order can be, according to Weber, is

guaranteed in two ways" &a( internal motives1 and &b( the expectations of specific externalconse*uences, that is of interest situation. #egitimacy guaranteed inner impulses is based on

three grounds" &4( purely affective, the feelings-based support1 &( value-rational or belief in thevalidity of the order on the basis of moral, aesthetic and other values that are binding1 and &6(

religious, belief in salvation dependence of maintaining order.

3mportant pillars of legitimacy of each, and especially political order, conventions and law.>onvention or customs of ensuring that any deviation from normal behavior be disapproved or

boycott a certain circle of people. The right turn guarantees the chances of physical or

psychological coercion to punish violations of order and force its maintenance. Therefore, theexistence of the apparatus of coercion essential to the concept of rights. Those who can act

socially, according to Weber's opinion, attributed to legitimate validity of an order on the

following grounds" &a( tradition, as the validity of what has always existed1 &b( the feelings oraffective beliefs1 &c( a value-rational beliefs1 &d( positively established order and belief in its

legality on that basis1 &e( the agreement of all those who are not interested1 &f( when the

legitimacy imposed on the basis of the authority which already holds over people and demands

obedience.Thus, the existence of each order, and especially the governing order, must be +ustified by

reference to the principles legitimacy and authorities, or order. The need for legitimacy that is the

+ustification of political order exists in both positive and negative in the privileged group of people and layers. %ach very privileged group develops, myth 'of its natural, especially about

his, blood' superiority. ven negative privileged layers accept this myth in terms of a stable

distribution of power %.

Weber believes that there are three pure types of legitimate authority. The basis of the validity oftheir legitimacy is based on" &4( the rational character of the force, that the belief in the legality

of legally based orders and the rights of the persons on the basis of them called to exercise

authority &legal authority(1 &( the traditional character or the common belief in the sanctity oftradition and the legitimacy of the people who are on that basis invited to exercise authority

!1 Max Weber, Economy and Society, 'olume +, o% s &1st

!! Max Weber, Economy and Society, 'olume +, o% s &6


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&traditional authority(1 and &6( charismatic character, which is based on the extraordinary

commitment of sanctity, heroism or exemplary *ualities of a person and order the person who

personifies &charismatic authority(.The main features of rational authority are continuously regulated by the rules of performance of

official duties1 within clearly defined competence &+urisdiction(1 principles based on hierarchical

relationships of control and supervisory authorities1 with officials who are professionally trained.According to Weber8s analysis, the purest type of legal, rational authority is the authority which

is done through the bureaucratic administrative apparatus.

The primary types of traditional authorities are situations when there is a personal master of theadministrative apparatus, namely" a( gerontorati+a b( patriarchies. Gerontorati+a means a state

in which power in a group or community carry out the oldest, the best experts in the sacred

tradition. )atri+arhali@am means a state in which power in any economic group, primarily in the

household, is an individual who is determined to strict heritage.Weber called charisma characteristic of a person on the basis that it applies to outstanding,

thans to which it is considered that the person endowed with supernatural and superhuman, or

very specific and not all available powers and abilities. /or such figures are believed to be God-

given or that are exceptional and therefore these figures from the masses perceive as natural andhistorically great leaders.

Social "#ari$g %o&er

very legal system, especially the state, directly affects its shape on the distribution of power

within a particular social and political community. Weber shows how economic, lie any other power, distributed within a community. The real distribution of economic power, or wealth, taes

place in the economic order. 3n addition to the power and wealth Weber has in mind and social

reputation &prestige(. Thus, Weber sees a connection between wealth &economic power(, political power and social prestige, but does not e*uate.The way in which social prestige is distributed among the typical social groups in a community

Weber called social order. /ollowing his logic can be a way of allocating power in a particular

political community called political order, or even narrower and more precise order of political power. The function of the legal order that guarantees that power &political and economic( and

reputation &prestige(. Weber ey finding is that class stocs and the party most prominent

appearance of the distribution of power within a community.

CLASS' STOC(S AN) POWER

The starting point in Weber's definition of class is the definition of class position. :nder class positions he means the typical outloo for supply of goods1 gaining position in life1 and achieve


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inner satisfaction. These prospects are %the result of the degree and ind of be able to dispose of

&or lac of that power( resources or abilities and given the ways you can use to achieve income

or revenue in a given economic order%.6 :nlie arx's conception, Weber on class not seen as areal community, but for him they represent only a possible and fre*uent basis of +oint action.7 The concept of class he used to indicate the common and specific outloo on life more people who share

similar economic interests for possession of goods or income sub+ect to the conditions of the maret, as

commodity and labor marets. Weber says" %The class should call each group of people, which is located

in the same class position%. 2e distinguishes the following classes" a( possessory class, which should be

called a class when differences in possession are primarily determined by the class position1 b( the

business class, which should be called a class when the odds on the maret use of goods and services are

primarily determined by the class position1 and c( social class, which should be called the totality of class

position among which is usually very easy )ossible and the typical way trade is conducted, either in

person or in a series of generations.

)ossessory class Weber parts to positively privilege &whose typical representative of stocholders( and

negatively privileged, which is called, middle-class estates' &living of its assets or sills ac*uired

education(. The same ind of division applies to business class, distinguishing positive privileged

business class which are typical representatives of entrepreneurs &merchants, ship owners, industrial and

agricultural entrepreneurs, etc.( And negatively privileged business class, which are a typical example of

worers of different *ualifications &silled semisilled, unsilled(. 0ocial class consists, according toWeber, worers in the process of automated operation, the petty bourgeoisie and not wealthy intelligence.

The essence of Weber's notion of class, therefore, does what he defines as a specific class position. >lass

position is essentially the position in the maret, more precisely the ind of loos lie the maret which

represents a common condition in the fate of individuals. :nlie classes, stocs are at Weber's opinion,

the real community, although often very amorphous. %>lasses should call the multitude of people who in

one organi@ed group successfully moneti@e your re*uest to en+oy &a( special estates reputation, and

possibly &b( special feudal monopolies.B 0tocs are formed on three grounds" primarily as a result of thefeudal way of life &professional estates(1 secondarily, hereditary charismatic &hereditary estates(1 and

feudal political appropriation or high government &political and high stocs(. Thus, in the formation of thestoc is heavily influenced by caste positions, which are based on the distinctive lifestyle, formal mode of

education or prestige on the basis of origin or occupation.

Political System I HAVE LTS ! PWE"

The third aspect of the social division of power mae political parties. Weber parties called

associations based on free membership recruiting. Their main goal is that within an organi@edgroup of its managers provide power, and thus its participants liely to achieve some ob+ective or

goals to gain personal benefit.C )arty, according to Weber, can be relatively permanent

!" Max Weber, Economy and Society, 'olume +, $% cit s !#1

!# Max Weber, Economy and Society, 'olume ++, $% cit s "1st

!& Max Weber, Economy and Society, 'olume +, o%cit, !#&th

!6 Max Weber, Economy and Society, 'olume +, o%cit, !!*th


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organi@ation, but ephemeral and transient phenomena. any, however, significant Weber

division on patronage, feudal control-class and ideological parties. )atronage parties are those

that are exclusively oriented to gain power for their leader and to ensure positions in theadministrative apparatus of its own members. 9f class and class parties are mostly conscious and

oriented in the interest of certain stocs and class. 3deological parties are oriented towards

specific ob+ective goals or abstract principles.3t seems less significant and not consistent its division game on the charismatic, traditionalist,

religious and party-oriented appropriation. Weber notes that the parties can apply all means to

achieve power. 2e is noted that the basis of political parties in principle voluntaristic, as it is based on attracting free membership and support. The existence of the party confirms that

politics primarily business staeholders, both economically and above all politically and

ideologically oriented towards power as such. ;asically this means that political wor and

activity in the hands of a few laps actors. /irst, there is the party leadership and the partyapparatus. Then comes the circle of active party members, who usually support the leadership by

acclamation. The widest circle mae inactive combined mass of voters and voters, facilities, or to

be concluded by the target group to win in the time of elections and voting.

/inally, there is a relatively small and usually invisible circle made up of party patrons and thosewho significantly financially support political parties. %/inancing party for its importance central

to the division of power and determination of the substantive direction of the party ofaction%.=Although his analysis of the game very, critical, Weber correctly assessed that the

modern Femocratic )arty %the fruits of democracy, the electoral rights of the masses, the

necessity of winning over the mass and the mass organi@ations, the development of the greatestunity of the leadership and the strictest discipline.%D )olitical parties in modern states, accordingto Weber's insight, or are based on the principle of the organi@ation with the patronage of the

services, or as ideological organi@ations that want to serve the exercise of certain political ideals.

3n practice, however, most often on the part of the hybrid model, ie parties are both one and theother. Thus, the party struggle are not only fighting for the ob+ective goals, but also fight for

specific interests, and above all the patrons of services in the state apparatus. Weber notes that

because the party in modern times exceed the bureaucratic organi@ation. 3n his opinion, thestrengthening of bureaucrati@ation in the parties do not differ significantly from strengthening the

bureaucrati@ation of the economy and state administration. 3n this respect, he accepts estimates

9strogorsog on strengthening plebiscitary form of democracy.

)arties, their leaders and their machines appear as actually plebiscitary dictator standing above

)arliament.

3n terms of the social distribution of power can follow Weber's conclusion that the birthplace ofthe parties in the sphere of power, that is in the political order. 3n contrast to the party, the

homeland of the class is an economic order, a division of spheres of reputation that is the

birthplace of the stoc, the social order.

!7 isenstaedt 0.N., 4harisma and 3nstitution ;uilding, >hicago and #ondon" The :niversityof >hicago )ress.

!* ommsen Wolfgang, 4

max weber - conceptofpower

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