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    Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews 30 (2006) 11821205

    Review

    Neurocognitive mechanisms of figurative language

    processingEvidence from clinical dysfunctions

    Patrizia Thoma, Irene Daum

    Ruhr-University of Bochum, Institute of Cognitive Neuroscience, Department for Neuropsychology, UniversitatsstraXe 150, Bochum 44780, Germany

    Received 22 May 2006; received in revised form 25 August 2006; accepted 3 September 2006

    Abstract

    The interpretation of proverbs has a long tradition in the assessment of abstract thinking, particularly in schizophrenia. Although the

    usefulness of proverb interpretation as a diagnostic tool has been questioned over the years, the comprehension of non-literal language

    nevertheless plays an important role in social interactions. Thus, researchers remain interested in the neurocognitive mechanisms

    mediating comprehension and use of figurative language.

    The present paper summarizes and evaluates the evidence from behavioral, lesion and imaging studies including data for compromised

    figurative language processing derived from clinical populations. One main focus is on studies of figurative language comprehension in

    schizophrenia. Several theoretical explanations proposed to account for the difficulties schizophrenia patients experience when

    confronted with figurative language will be addressed. An integration of the evidence from different areas of research is attempted and

    directions for future investigation are outlined.

    r 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

    Keywords: Figurative language; Proverbs; Idioms; Schizophrenia; Right hemisphere

    Contents

    1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1183

    1.1. Aims and scope of the article . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1183

    1.2. Definitions of relevant terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1183

    1.3. Main ideas about the mechanisms of figurative language comprehension . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1184

    1.4. The ontogeny of figurative language comprehension. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1185

    2. Neurocognitive mechanisms underlying the comprehension of figurative language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1186

    2.1. Lesion studies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1186

    2.2. Neurophysiological studies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1187

    2.3. Semantic priming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1189

    2.4. Metaphor processing in neurodevelopmental and neurodegenerative non-psychiatric disorders. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11902.4.1. Agenesis of the corpus callosum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1190

    2.4.2. Autism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1191

    2.4.3. Neurodegenerative diseases involving subcortical structures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1192

    2.4.4. Alzheimers disease . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1193

    2.5. Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1193

    3. Figurative language processing in schizophrenia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1193

    3.1. Standardized assessment of proverb comprehension in schizophrenia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1194

    ARTICLE IN PRESS

    www.elsevier.com/locate/neubiorev

    0149-7634/$ - see front matterr 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

    doi:10.1016/j.neubiorev.2006.09.001

    Corresponding author. Tel.: +49234 32 24631; fax: +4923432 14622.

    E-mail address: [email protected] (P. Thoma).

    http://www.elsevier.com/locate/neubiorevhttp://localhost/var/www/apps/conversion/tmp/scratch_10/dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2006.09.001mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]://localhost/var/www/apps/conversion/tmp/scratch_10/dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2006.09.001http://www.elsevier.com/locate/neubiorev
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    3.2. Empirical evidence of impaired figurative language comprehension in schizophrenia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1194

    3.2.1. Figurative language impairment in schizophrenia: traditional views. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1194

    3.2.2. Is the impairment of figurative language comprehension specific for schizophrenia? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1196

    3.2.3. The processing of context information and the comprehension of non-literal language in schizophrenia . . . . 1197

    3.2.4. The relationship between ToM abilities and figurative language processing in schizophrenia . . . . . . . . . . . . 1197

    3.2.5. The role of psychopathology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1198

    3.2.6. Impaired figurative language comprehension in schizophrenia: a state or a trait marker?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1198

    3.3. Conclusions and implications for further research in schizophrenia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11994. General summary and conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1200

    References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1200

    1. Introduction

    1.1. Aims and scope of the article

    Non-literal expressions form an integral part of everyday

    language, conveying features of the conventional wisdom,

    social norms and rules characterizing a given society

    (Gibbs and Beitel, 1995). A great deal of our everyday

    communication is figurative rather than literal with figures

    of speech occurring at an estimated rate of about 6 per

    minute of speech (Pollio et al., 1977). Most people find

    non-literal language easy to understand presumably

    because most of their thinking is conceptualized through

    metaphor, proverbs, irony and other instances of non-

    literal language (Lakoff and Johnson, 2004).

    The ability to effectively use figurative communication

    may promote personal and professional success. In healthy

    adolescents, for instance, idiom comprehension has been

    positively associated with academic achievement (Nippoldand Martin, 1989). On the other hand, the inability to

    efficiently cope with this form of communication may

    substantially contribute to the poor social competence of

    individuals suffering from disorders like schizophrenia

    (Mitchell and Crow, 2005;Vallance and Wintre, 1997).

    Acknowledging the relevance of non-literal language for

    social interaction, an increasing amount of research has

    addressed the neurocognitive mechanisms mediating the

    processing of non-literal language. The present review

    primarily aims to summarize and critically evaluate the

    evidence derived from a range of cognitive neuroscience

    methods. In the first section, relevant terms and definitions

    will be introduced, a brief outline of the available theories

    about the cognitive and linguistic mechanisms underlying

    figurative language comprehension will be given and the

    development of non-literal language comprehension across

    the lifespan will be briefly described. In the second section,

    evidence of impaired figurative language processing in

    neurodevelopmental and neurodegenerative disorders will

    be reviewed. The third section addresses impaired figura-

    tive language comprehension in schizophrenia, the disorder

    in which this topic has been comprehensively investigated.

    A summary of the most relevant findings and suggestions

    for future investigations will be outlined in the concluding

    section.

    1.2. Definitions of relevant terms

    It has proved surprisingly difficult to elaborate the

    distinction between literal and non-literal language

    (Glucksberg, 2001). Two major criteria have been estab-

    lished. First, literal statements are supposed to express a

    truth (e.g. Tim is in Canada.) while non-literal language

    usually expresses a falsehood (e.g. Tim is on cloud nine),

    although this distinction has not remained without contra-

    diction (Gibbs and Beitel, 1995). Second, literal language

    confirms to linguistic constraints while non-literal language

    tends to violate them. For instance, in the sentence This

    car is very thirsty. the linguistic constraint regarding the

    use of the adjective thirsty is violated, because only

    creatures can be thirsty (Fass, 1999).

    Although the terms non-literal and figurative

    language are sometimes used synonymously, the term

    figurative language originally applies only to expressions

    containing figures of speech or metaphors, which arenot necessarily involved in all non-literal statements (e.g.

    Where theres a will theres a way) (Gibbs and Beitel,

    1995). A metaphor can be constituted by a single word, a

    phrase, a sentence or a whole text and makes an explicit

    (My love is like a fever.) or implict (My life is a roller-

    coaster ride) comparison between ideas from different

    knowledge domains which are usually not associated

    with one another (Gibbs, 1999; Glucksberg, 2003). To

    put it more strongly, metaphors not only compare certain

    unrelated categories with one another but also make

    class inclusion assertions by attributing salient properties

    of one category to another (Glucksberg and Keysar,

    1990). Most neuroscience research focuses on figurative

    language rather than on non-figurative, non-literal lan-

    guage because it occurs more frequently in everyday

    interactions and because its comprehension is supposed

    to place higher demands on cognitive abilities (Lakoff and

    Johnson, 2004).

    This review will also focus predominantly on the

    comprehension of metaphors in general and particularly

    in association with proverbial and idiomatic expressions.

    Research dealing with irony will be taken into account to a

    lesser extent, because additional cognitive factors, like the

    adequate perception of affective prosody, play a greater

    role in the interpretation of irony (Wang et al., 2006).

    ARTICLE IN PRESS

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    Sarcasm, humor and indirect requests will be not or only

    marginally addressed.

    Proverbs and idioms are among the most common

    instances of everyday non-literal communications (Gibbs

    and Beitel, 1995). Both do not represent a unitary class of

    expressions. Proverbs may be broadly defined as familiar,

    fixed, sentential expressions that communicate well-knowntruths, social norms, or moral concerns (Gibbs and Beitel,

    1995). They are often characterized by certain lyrical

    elements (e.g. rhyme, meter, alliteration, personification)

    and specific syntactic structures (e.g. where theres X,

    theres X or no X without X). The more of these typical

    markers a proverb contains, the easier it is accepted as

    such. For a comprehensive analysis of proverbs and their

    characteristics see the article by Gibbs and Beitel (1995).

    Due to the very heterogeneous nature of proverbial

    statements and a lack of appropriate classification dimen-

    sions, neurocognitive studies have mostly treated proverbs

    as a unitary concept, at best distinguishing between

    familiar and unfamiliar proverbs.

    In the investigation of idiom comprehension, distinctions

    between different classes of idioms have been taken into

    account more often. Idioms are phrases whose figurative

    meaning is not simply constituted by the literal meanings of

    their individual words (Cacciari and Tabossi, 1988;

    Cacciari and Glucksberg, 1991). For instance, the con-

    stituents of the idiom Its raining cats and dogs! evoke

    the association of a heavy rain shower only within this

    special contextual configuration, while the words cats,

    dogs and raining presented in isolation do not. Idioms

    vary with respect to their literal plausibility, composition-

    ality and transparency/opacity (Glucksberg, 2001). Am-biguous idioms may be plausible both in a figurative and

    in a literal sense, (e.g. to kick the bucket) while literally

    implausible idioms (to be on cloud nine) make only sense

    when interpreted figuratively. Compositionality relates to

    the extent to which the meanings of the words constituting

    the idiom provide clues for its figurative meaning. While

    the words forming the idiom to talk a mile a minute

    easily connote speech rate, kick the bucket represents an

    instance of a non-decomposable idiom (Gibbs et al., 1989).

    The terms transparency/opacity are often used synony-

    mously with compositionality: With transparent idioms, in

    contrast to opaque idioms, speakers may easily recover the

    motivation for the figures of speech used. These dimen-

    sions, along with contextual bias, affect the ease of idiom

    acquisition and comprehension: While decomposable

    idioms are acquired in a rather context-independent way,

    non-decomposable idioms rely more on contextual infor-

    mation (Gibbs and Nayak, 1989).

    In using irony, the speaker usually wants to convey the

    opposite of what he says. The true speaker intention can be

    often only identified with the help of specific context

    information and often there is nothing inherently figurative

    about the statement per se except that it is falsified by

    context information (e.g. What lovely weather we have

    when it is raining) (Gibbs, 1994).

    As will be outlined in subsequent sections, partially

    distinct neurocognitive mechanisms seem to mediate the

    understanding of metaphors, idioms, proverbs and irony.

    1.3. Main ideas about the mechanisms of figurative language

    comprehension

    A detailed account of theories dealing with figurative

    language comprehension is far beyond the scope of this

    article and only some of the main ideas will be introduced.

    Interesting reviews have been for instance provided byFass

    (1999),Glucksberg (2001)andLakoff and Johnson (2004).

    Theories about the relative contributions of the two

    hemispheres and those trying to explain figurative language

    impairments of clinical populations will be addressed in the

    corresponding sections in the text.

    Specific theories have been put forward to explain the

    processing of each subtype of figurative expressions.

    However, most of these theories address the same hotly

    debated issue applying to figurative language comprehen-

    sion in general and relating to the question of the order in

    which the literal and figurative meanings of a figurative

    expression are accessed and whether both are always

    accessed at all. Traditional views give priority to the literal

    meaning suggesting that the search for a figurative meaning

    begins only after the literal meaning has been rejected, e.g.

    on the basis of context information (hierarchical hypoth-

    esis) (Clark and Lucy, 1975). An example of this view is the

    Idiom List Hypothesis (Bobrow and Bell, 1973) accord-

    ing to which the meanings of idioms are stored in a kind of

    list from which they are retrieved whenever the literal

    meaning is judged to be inappropriate. The parallelhypothesis states that both kinds of meanings are processed

    at the same time (Glucksberg et al., 1982), illustrated e.g.

    by the Lexical Representation Hypothesis (Swinney and

    Cutler, 1979) according to which idioms are represented as

    long complex words. The retrieval of their meaning is

    supposed to take place at the same time as the lexical

    processing of the expression. Similarly, according to the

    Configuration Hypothesis (Cacciari and Tabossi, 1988),

    the idiomatic meaning is activated as soon as active

    analysis of the word configuration has prompted the

    recognition of the idiomatic nature. By contrast, Gibbs

    and Beitel (1995) propose that the literal meaning is

    bypassed altogether and that the figurative meaning is

    accessed immediately. They state that e.g. understanding

    proverbs basically involves mapping of information from

    familiar source concepts onto vaguer target domains/

    concepts (Conceptual Metaphor Hypothesis). All these

    hypotheses tacitly assume an intact lexico-semantic system

    as basis for figurative language comprehension.

    What is relevant for the direction of this review is the

    question which other higher-order cognitive mechanisms

    might be important for figurative language processing. The

    concept of pragmatics, which is the study of how people

    use and interpret linguistic utterances in conversations,

    provides one answer. Grice (1957; 1975; 1978; 1989)

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    proposed that human communication is always based on

    the expression and mutual understanding of the inter-

    locutors intentions and introduced the Cooperative

    Principle. It states that speakers usually make their

    conversational contribution such as is required, at the

    stage at which it occurs, by the accepted purpose or

    direction of the talk exchange (Grice, 1989, p. 26) inwhich they are engaged. The Cooperative Principle

    encompasses a number of maxims such as Avoid

    obscurity, Do not say that for which you lack adequate

    evidence, Make your contribution as informative as is

    required and Be relevant. Grice (1975) assumed that

    what is communicated or implied may deviate considerably

    from what is literally said (conversational implicature)

    which obviously particularly applies to metaphoric, idio-

    matic, proverbial speech and other instances of non-literal

    language. Sperber and Wilson (1995) developed Grices

    ideas (1957; 1975; 1978; 1989) further introducing Re-

    levance Theory. According to the Communicative

    Principle of Relevance, a speaker communicates only

    what he thinks will be worth to claim his interlocutors

    attention. Sperber and Wilson (2002) emphasize that for

    successful communication, people have to be able to go

    beyond the sentence meaning and to infer what kind of

    meaning their interlocutors intend to convey. The general

    ability to form an adequate concept of other peoples

    mental states (thoughts, feelings, wishes, beliefs and

    intentions) in order to be able to understand their actions

    has been called having a Theory of Mind (ToM)

    (Premack and Woodruff, 1978), mentalizing (Frith et al.,

    1991; Langdon and Coltheart, 1999) or mind-reading

    (Baron-Cohen, 1995). The term ToM will be used inthis article. First-order ToM tasks assess the ability to infer

    another persons thoughts or beliefs about the state of the

    world. Second-order ToM tasks require the subject to infer

    one persons thoughts (beliefs) about another persons

    thoughts about the state of the world. First-order ToM

    competence emerges around ages 34 while second-order

    ToM competence does not develop until the age of 67

    years (Baron-Cohen, 1995), depending on the social

    environment (Carpendale and Lewis, 2004). However, as

    the underlying neuronal correlates of ToM, mainly the

    prefrontal cortex (PFC) and temporal lobe structures, are

    not fully maturated until adolescence, ToM also undergoes

    further development (seeSinger, 2006). As outlined below,

    there is considerable evidence confirming Sperbers and

    Wilsons proposal that ToMor to be more specific: a

    specialized submodule of ToMis critically involved in

    inferring figurative meanings. The authors also proposed

    that comprehending different types of figurative language

    depends on distinct ToM processes. Understanding meta-

    phors, basically a descriptive use of language, is supposed

    to involve inferring how another person sees the world, i.e.

    first-order ToM. By contrast, comprehension of irony,

    which represents an interpretative use of language, requires

    the recognition that the interlocutor distances himself from

    the way a third person sees the world (i.e. by saying Yeah,

    what lovely weather for a picnic! after another person has

    suggested a picnic although it is raining), which involves

    second-order ToM (Sperber and Wilson, 2002). Some

    authors argue (e.g. Brune and Bodenstein, 2005) that

    although the majority of proverbs are metaphorical, they

    also rather form an instance of interpretative language, as

    most implicitly convey social norms, rules and behavioralinstructions.

    Besides ToM, executive control function (ECF) might be

    relevant for figurative language comprehension. Distinct

    fronto-subcortical circuits seem to support ECF (Heyder et

    al., 2004), which is thought to orchestrate and coordinate a

    set of complex cognitive abilities, like inhibition, multi-

    tasking, context processing, response selection and plan-

    ning, in order to ensure flexible and adaptive goal-directed

    behavior (see Royall et al., 2002). Similarly to ToM,

    executive abilities are not fully maturated until adolescence

    (Paus, 2005). It is evident from this brief description of the

    ECF concept that the ability to process multiple meanings

    at the same time, to choose the appropriate one taking into

    account context information as well to suppress inap-

    propriate literal meaningsrelevant for figurative lan-

    guage comprehensionmight be related to specific ECF

    subcomponents. Corresponding evidence will be consid-

    ered throughout the text.

    1.4. The ontogeny of figurative language comprehension

    Children develop the ability to understand figurative

    language gradually during childhood, from the age of 34

    years on, and adolescence (Nippold et al., 1988a), usually

    making literal interpretation errors at first (Lodge andLeach, 1975).

    Two of the hypotheses introduced earlier have been

    predominantly put forward to explain the development of

    figurative language competence: The Configuration Hy-

    pothesis (Cacciari and Tabossi, 1988) predicts an earlier

    understanding of figurative expressions that are easier to

    decompose for active analysis. This has been demonstrated

    for concrete relative to abstract proverbs (Nippold and

    Haq, 1996) and for transparent relative to opaque idioms

    (Nippold and Rudzinski, 1993;Nippold and Taylor, 1995,

    2002). But there is also evidence for the view that idiom

    meanings are acquired in the form of giant lexical units

    (Swinney and Cutler, 1979) similarly to the meaning of

    single lexical items: Relative to younger children, older

    children and adults depend less on context information for

    idiom comprehension and provide appropriate figurative

    idiom interpretations even when the context strongly biases

    their literal meaning (Ackermann, 1982). This indicates

    that they have stored representations of their figurative

    meanings, probably due to greater experience with non-

    literal language.

    According to the Language experience hypothesis

    comprehension develops through exposure to non-literal

    expressions in everyday discourse or during formal

    training. It has even been suggested that people learn the

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    meanings of proverbs, idioms and metaphors in a rote

    manner (Lodge and Leach, 1975) establishing an associa-

    tive link between a non-literal expression and its figurative

    meaning. Evidence comes from a number of studies

    demonstrating that familiar proverbs or idioms are easier

    and earlier comprehended than unfamiliar figurative

    expressions (Cunningham et al., 1987; Nippold and Haq,1996;Nippold and Rudzinski, 1993;Nippold and Taylor,

    2002;Penn et al., 1988).

    The development of the ability to appraise the meaning

    of non-literal statements appears to be associated with the

    maturation of a number of related cognitive abilities. For

    instance, the development of mental images evoked by

    figurative phrases appears to support their comprehension.

    Accordingly, school-age children report less sophisticated,

    less comprehensive and more concretistic mental images of

    idiom content than adults (Nippold and Duthie, 2003).

    Context information (e.g. a background story) has been

    found to facilitate the comprehension of the figurative

    meaning of both proverbs (Nippold et al., 1988b) and

    idioms (Cain et al., 2005; Nippold and Martin, 1989) in

    school-age children and in adolescents. In younger children

    (3.56.5 years) context does not aid idiom comprehension

    (Abkarian et al., 1992) which might be partly due to the

    fact that idiom-in-context comprehension seems to depend

    on general reading comprehension skills (Levorato et al.,

    2004), particularly for more difficult idioms. A study by

    Cain et al. (2005)showed that 9-year-old children were able

    to benefit from context information for the interpretation

    of transparent idioms regardless of their reading compre-

    hension level. However, poor reading comprehenders were

    impaired in their ability to use context for the interpreta-tion of opaque idioms.

    Most importantly, the development of figurative language

    comprehension seems to be associated with the ontogeny of

    ToM competence. This is e.g. illustrated by the fact that

    metaphors are comprehended at an earlier age (ages 34)

    than irony (ages 67) (Bara and Bucciarelli, 1998; Happe,

    1993; Winner, 1988) which is in accordance with Sperbers

    and Wilsons (2002)account of the differential involvement

    of first- and second-order ToM in the comprehension of

    metaphor and irony. The developmental trajectories of first-

    and second-order ToM seem to parallel those of metaphor

    and irony comprehension.

    Only one study investigated proverb comprehension

    across the whole lifespan (Nippold et al., 1997): The ability

    to freely explain the meaning of proverbs (low-familiar,

    within a story context) improved during adolescence and

    early adulthood and reached a peak during the 20 s which

    remained stable until the 50s. A slight decline in

    performance was observed during the 60 s which became

    statistically significant in the 70s. Due to the cross-

    sectional design of the study, a cohort effect, possibly

    involving lower formal education for the older patients,

    cannot be excluded. Education has repeatedly been shown

    to be positively related to figurative language comprehen-

    sion (Penn et al., 1988).

    The detrimental impact language disorders can have on

    overall life achievement is illustrated by a study investigat-

    ing the longitudinal course of developmental language

    disorder in a group of affected men from middle childhood

    to mid adulthood (Clegg et al., 2005). In mid adulthood,

    the language disordered group showed significant impair-

    ments of ToM, verbal short-term memory and phonologi-cal processing, significantly worse social adaptation (few

    close friendships and love relationships as well as

    prolonged unemployment) and a higher incidence of

    mental illness relative to their siblings and a group of

    typically developing subjects.

    2. Neurocognitive mechanisms underlying the

    comprehension of figurative language

    Different methods have been used in order to gain

    insight into the neural mechanisms supporting the proces-

    sing of figurative language. The investigation of patients

    suffering from selective brain lesions or specific neurologi-

    cal and neuropsychiatric disorders, advanced imaging

    techniques and behavioral studies involving divided visual

    field research contributed both in combination and

    independently to the available knowledge base about the

    neural correlates of figurative language comprehension. In

    the following paragraphs the main findings are summar-

    ized.

    2.1. Lesion studies

    Traditionally, while the left hemisphere (LH) has been

    viewed as dominant for most aspects of language proces-sing, the understanding of figurative language has been

    thought of as being lateralized to the right hemisphere

    (RH) (seeBookheimer, 2002). This notion has been largely

    based on a series of studies examining figurative language

    processing in patients suffering from unilateral brain

    damage (Burgess and Chiarello, 1996; Critchley, 1991;

    Gagnon et al., 2003; Giora, 2003; Joanette et al., 1990;

    Kemper, 1981;Van Lancker and Kempler, 1987;Weylman

    et al., 1989).

    One prototypical task involves the matching of orally

    presented or written figurative expressions (e.g. His heart

    fealt heavy) and their appropriate pictorial illustrations.

    Patients with RH damage (RHD) have been reported to

    choose the pictures depicting the literal (e.g. a man carrying

    a giant heart) instead of the figurative meaning (e.g. picture

    of a very sad man) of such expressions more often than

    either LH damaged (LHD) patients or healthy individuals

    (Hillekamp et al., 1996;MacKenzie et al., 2005;Schmitzer

    et al., 1997;Winner and Gardner, 1977). It has been argued

    that in sentence-to-picture matching tasks, the depicted

    alternative meanings often do not show the same degree of

    plausibility (Huber, 1990) and that visuo-spatial abilities,

    which are more affected in RHD vs. LHD patients, ought

    to be considered as a potential confounding variable. The

    RH has been ascribed an important role in visuospatial

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    analysis (Jordan and Hillis, 2005) and in the allocation of

    cognitive resources (Monetta et al., 2006). Thus, damage of

    this hemisphere might limit the cognitive capacities for the

    analysis of alternative figurative meanings rendering

    patients more prone to choosing the less demanding

    and more obvious (literal) illustration of the figurative

    utterance.A major purely linguistic approach is the word triad

    relatedness paradigm. In this task, subjects are presented

    with sets of three words: an ambiguous word (e.g. the

    adjective cold), its figurative equivalent (unfriendly)

    and a foil representing its literal meaning (chilly).

    Participants are then asked to group together the two

    words that are closest in meaning. The result pattern

    mostly resembled the one obtained in sentence-to-picture

    matching tasks: RHD patients were more likely to select

    the literal foils and less often chose the figurative

    interpretations than both LHD patients and healthy

    individuals (Brownell et al., 1984, 1990;Brownell, 1998).

    The poor performance of RHD patients on figure

    interpretation tasks has been related to the suppression

    deficit hypothesis (Tompkins and Lehman, 1998) accord-

    ing to which RHD patients fail to suppress automatically

    activated literal interpretations of ambiguous expressions

    that eventually turn out to be irrelevant or incompatible

    with the available contextual information. This is sup-

    ported by impairments of RHD patients on resolving

    lexical ambiguity, e.g. choosing between the figurative and

    the literal meaning of ambiguous words/expressions, by

    suppressing contextually inappropriate interpretations

    (Grindrod and Baum, 2005; Klepousniotou and Baum,

    2005;Tompkins et al., 2000).However, not all studies support the notion that

    figurative language processing deficits are selectively

    associated with RHD. LHD patients have been reported

    to make more errors when requested to orally explain the

    meaning of conventional metaphors (e.g. broken heart,

    hard man) with a literally implausible meaning (Giora et

    al., 2000). Also, LHD patients have been shown to be

    impaired relative to healthy controls on a sentence-to-

    picture matching task for idiomatic expressions without a

    literal meaning (Papagno et al., 2004) and more frequently

    than RHD patients chose the literal interpretation of

    ambiguous targets in a word triad relatedness task (Giora,

    2003). Performance on the latter task and lesion size were

    negatively associated only in LHD patients (Zaidel et al.,

    2002). It has been proposed that LHD patients, similarly to

    RHD patients, might fail to suppress the literal interpreta-

    tion of a figurative expression (Papagno et al., 2004).

    Cacciari et al. (2006) used a sentence-to-word matching

    task to assess the comprehension of ambiguous familiar

    Italian idioms in aphasic LHD patients and healthy

    controls. Each idiomatic expression was presented along

    with four words and subjects were instructed to choose the

    word corresponding to the idiomatic meaning of the

    expression. One of the three foils was semantically

    associated with the last constituent word of the idiom

    string and the two remaining alternatives were unrelated

    foils. Patients, especially those with frontal and/or tempor-

    al lesions, were significantly impaired on this task,

    particularly showing a higher number of semantically

    associate errors. According to the authors, this might

    indicate an impairment of inhibition mechanisms and/or of

    recognition/activation of the idiomatic meaning. The data,however, did not allow for a distinction between these

    alternatives. In other studies, both LHD and RHD patients

    showed impairments (Chobor and Schweiger, 1998; Gag-

    non et al., 2003; Tompkins, 1990; Tompkins et al., 1992).

    Aphasia has been suggested as a potential factor con-

    tributing to the unexpected deficits of LHD patients either

    by disrupting speech output on oral explanation tasks or

    by impairing semantic comprehension as in Wernickes

    aphasia (Gagnon et al., 2003). Thus, the type of the task

    may have an impact. Papagno and Caporali (2006) found

    that LHD patients performed relatively better on a

    sentence-to-word matching task than on a sentence-to-

    picture and an oral definition task for idioms.

    Generally, the interpretation of findings from brain-

    lesioned patients is limited by the frequent co-occurrence of

    various medical comorbidites, diverse cognitive impair-

    ments and heterogeneous lesion etiologies.

    Repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS)

    offers the opportunity to temporally and reversibly disrupt

    the activity of specific areas in the otherwise intact brain. In

    an rTMS study by Oliveri et al. (2004), magnetic

    stimulation was applied to frontal and temporal cortex

    areas in the RH vs. LH while 15 young healthy subjects

    were working on a sentence-to-picture matching task for

    opaque idioms and literal expressions. Left temporal rTMSdisrupted both accuracy and response speed for both

    idiomatic and literal expressions, whereas no such effect

    was obtained after rTMS over the RH. The authors

    conclude that the left temporal cortex contributes to the

    understanding of both literal and idiomatic expressions.

    Taken together, the evidence available from lesion

    studies is inconsistent, suggesting that damage to both

    hemispheres may affect the comprehension of figurative

    language. However, it is unclear in how far differing testing

    modalities might have influenced the performance of RHD

    and LHD patients. Also, various additional factors, which

    seem not to have been taken into account in most lesion

    studies, might have influenced the result pattern. These

    factors will be introduced in the subsequent paragraphs.

    2.2. Neurophysiological studies

    Functional neuromaging studies, using PET, fMRI or

    EEG explicitly aim to identify networks of brain regions

    involved in the processing of figurative language.

    Bottini et al. (1994) carried out a PET study in which

    they assessed brain activity while individuals judged the

    plausibility of visually presented sentences with either a

    metaphorical or literal meaning. Novel, unconventional

    metaphors were used, such as The old man had a head full

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    of dead leaves (plausible) in contrast to The old man had

    a head full of barn doors (implausible). Judging the

    plausibility of literal sentences (e.g. Tim used stones as

    paperweights. vs. Tim used feathers as paperweights.)

    as compared to deciding whether a non-word was present

    in a string of words activated a number of regions in the

    LH including the PFC and basal frontal cortex, the middleand inferior temporal gyri and temporal pole, the parietal

    cortex and the precuneus. Judging the plausibility of

    metaphorical vs. literal sentences, in addition to activating

    these LH regions, also recruited the equivalents of Brocas

    and Wernickes in the RH. It has been pointed out that the

    involvement of the RH might not be specific to the

    processing of figurative language but might occur each time

    complex syntactic and/or semantic linguistic structures are

    processed (Bottini et al., 1994;Jung-Beeman, 2005;Lee and

    Dapretto, 2005; Rapp et al., 2004; Stringaris et al., 2005),

    including making references (Beeman, 1993; Mason and

    Just, 2004) and structuring complex text information

    (Marini et al., 2005). This would fit in with Bottinis

    (1994) report that her subjects found it more difficult to

    judge the plausibility of metaphorical sentences as opposed

    to literal sentences. Rapp et al. (2004) used novel

    metaphorical and literal sentences strictly parallelized for

    syntactic and semantic complexity. Metaphorical expres-

    sions elicited the strongest activation in the left inferior

    frontal and left temporal gyri. The authors conclude that

    while the RH might contribute to the general appreciation

    of complex semantic and syntactic structures, left frontal

    and temporal areas might engage in the decoding of word

    meaning in a metaphoric context.

    Subsequent imaging studies confirmed the activation offronto-temporal networks during the processing of figura-

    tive language. For instance, Lee and Daprato (2005)

    presented auditory word triads to subjects who were

    instructed to decide whether the last two words had a

    similar meaning (either metaphoric or literal). Direct

    comparison of the two conditions yielded significant

    activity only in left prefrontal and temporo-parietal areas.

    In a study by Stringaris et al. (2005), subjects were

    presented with either metaphoric, literal or non-meaningful

    sentences. Left inferior frontal gyrus and BA47 were

    activated while participants were reading both the meta-

    phorical and the meaningless sentences, but not while they

    were reading literal sentences. Additionally, activation of

    the left thalamus was specifically linked to the processing of

    metaphorical sentences, which is not surprising, given the

    close fronto-subcortical connectivity patterns (Alexander et

    al., 1986).

    Recent data indicate differential hemispheric activity for

    different types of figurative language, such as methaphor

    and irony (Eviatar and Just, 2006). Young healthy students

    read short stories which ended with either a literal,

    metaphoric or ironic statement, followed by simple yes/

    no comprehension questions. Conventional and non-ironic

    metaphoric expressions were used (e.g. the statement You

    are like greased lightning by one story character after she

    was left far behind by her friend in a race). The ironic

    endings did not contain metaphors and always expressed

    the opposite of what the story character really meant (e.g.

    Thanks for keeping your promise when in reality the

    promise has been broken). Processing of metaphors elicited

    significantly higher activation in the left inferior frontal

    gyrus and in bilateral temporal cortex than ironic andliteral utterances. Irony activated the right superior and

    middle temporal gyri more than literal statements did,

    while metaphoric utterances elicited an intermediate level

    of activation in these areas.

    In event-related potential (ERP) studies of language

    comprehension, a negative component peaking around

    400 ms after stimulus onset (Tartter et al., 2002) has been

    shown to vary according to the semantic content of the

    information processed. The component is elicited by all

    meaningful words and the amplitude of the N400 increases

    if a word is unexpected in a given context (Kutas and

    Hillyard, 1980).

    Reading out sentences with a metaphoric ending has

    been shown to evoke an increase in the N400 amplitude

    relative to a condition which involved the processing of

    literal sentence endings (Coulson and Van Petten, 2002).

    Pynte et al. (1996)presented evidence supporting a context-

    dependent account of metaphor comprehension. They

    recorded ERPs while subjects were reading familiar (e.g.

    Those fighters are lions) or literal control sentences

    (Those animals are lions). The terminal word, which was

    always identical under both conditions, elicited a larger

    N400 amplitude when it was embedded in metaphoric as

    compared to literal sentences, indicating that the literal

    meaning of the metaphors was accessed, but obviouslyjudged to be incongruous in the metaphoric sentence

    context. In subsequent experiments, unfamiliar metaphors

    were introduced (Those apprentices are lions) and

    sentences were preceded by an irrelevant (They are not

    idiotic: Those fighters are lions) or a relevant (They are

    not cowardly: Those fighters are lions) context or were

    presented in isolation. The authors were able to demon-

    strate an effect of context which became obvious as early as

    300 ms following the onset of the final word. More

    precisely, the understanding of the metaphoric meaning

    was facilitated in the relevant context condition which was

    reflected in a reduction of the N400 amplitude. This

    supports the idea that only the metaphorical meaning is

    accessed if primed by the context.

    Although in thePynte et al. (1996) study, the manipula-

    tion of familiarity vs. unfamiliarity failed to elicit any clear

    effects, more recent evidence suggests that familiar and

    unfamiliar metaphorical expressions might indeed be

    processed differently in the brain. In one study (Tartter et

    al., 2002), 80 sentence frames that plausibly ended with

    either a literal, a familiar metaphoric or a truly anomalous

    (novel and unfamiliar) word were presented to 11 subjects.

    A significant N400 was elicited only for anomalous

    endings. This effect has been investigated further by

    Laurent et al. (2005). They recorded ERPs from 30 adults

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    who performed a lexical decision task to a series of either

    strongly or weakly salient (i.e. familiar and predictable)

    idioms and to figurative or literal interpretations of these

    idioms. The N400 amplitude following the last word of the

    weakly salient idioms was larger than for the strongly

    salient (familiar) idioms indicating that the terminal word

    was less expected in the novel idiom context. Also, theN400 amplitude in the condition involving targets related

    to the salient meaning of a strongly salient idiom was

    smaller than in the remaining combinations of salient/non-

    salient meanings of strongly/weakly salient idioms and

    subjects responded faster to salient interpretations. The

    authors interpret their findings in terms of an automatic

    accessibility of salient meanings, independent of their

    figurative or literal character. This indicates that salient

    meanings are processed directly, based on entries in the

    mental lexicon without the necessity to make inferences

    based on linguistic or extra-linguistic context information.

    Sotillo et al. (2005) carried out a source analysis of the

    N400 associated with metaphor processing. In their task,

    novel metaphoric expressions (e.g. green lung of the city)

    were followed by words that were either metaphorically

    (park) related or not related (semaphore) to the

    expressions. The analyses yielded a larger N400, originat-

    ing from the right but not the left superior/middle temporal

    gyrus, for the metaphorically related words relative to the

    non-related words.

    These findings are in line with the Graded Salience

    Hypothesis of language comprehension, put forward by

    Giora (2003). According to this theory, the more salient

    meanings of linguistic utterances are processed before less

    salient ones. The more conventional, frequent, prototypicala meaning is, the more salient it is. Non-salient meanings

    are supposed to be more dependent on context for their

    derivation, processed predominantly in the RH. Evidence

    for a differential processing of novel and familiar items in

    terms of neuroanatomical localization came from two

    fMRI studies by Mashal et al. (2005a, b). Healthy subjects

    were presented with 96 word pairs and had to decide

    whether the two words forming each pair were unrelated

    (road-shift), literally related (water-drops) or meta-

    phorically related. In the metaphorical condition, either

    conventional metaphors (bright-student) or novel meta-

    phors, mostly taken from poetry (pearl-tears) were used.

    The data suggest that a specialized network comprising the

    right homolog of Wernickes area, right and left premotor

    areas, right and left insula and Brocas area, is recruited for

    the analysis of novel but not of conventional metaphors.

    Some of these brain areas have also been implicated in

    verbal creativity (right homolog of Wernickes area: e.g.

    Jung-Beeman et al., 2004) and in the retrieval of informa-

    tion from long-term episodic memory (right precuneus: e.g.

    Grasby et al., 1993; Shallice et al., 1994). These processes

    are likely to be involved in inferring the meaning of novel,

    unfamiliar connections of words, as found in novel

    metaphors. Results consistent with those by Mashal et al.

    (2005a, b) have also been reported for the processing of

    metaphors in Mandarin Chinese (Ahrens et al., 2005). In

    contrast to the processing of familiar metaphors, novel

    metaphoric expressions yielded bilateral activation in the

    middle frontal gyrus and the precentral gyrus, and RH

    activation in the superior frontal gyrus. LH activation was

    found in the inferior frontal gyrus and fusiform gyrus.

    Taken together, the evidence yielded in imaging studiessuggests that the processing of figurative language con-

    sistently activates fronto-temporal networks known to be

    involved in language processing per se. As to the question

    of lateralization, both hemispheres contribute to the

    processing of figurative language, albeit in different ways.

    The RH appears to be relatively more involved in

    processing complex syntactic and semantic structures and

    in accessing the meaning of novel or generally salient

    metaphors, while the LH seems to contribute more to the

    decoding of word meaning in a metaphoric context.

    Some authors did not find an RH advantage for novel

    metaphors (Rapp et al., 2004, 2006). However, their stimuli

    had not been previously rated for familiarity, so it cannot

    be excluded that at least some might have been familiar to

    subjects and were thus best processed by the LH. In the

    work by Mashal and colleagues (2005a, b), both hemi-

    spheres were involved in processing novel metaphors.

    However, they used metaphorical word dyads, while

    studies in which the processing of novel metaphors was

    more clearly lateralized to the RH (Bottini et al., 1994;

    Sotillo et al., 2005) used metaphors in a sentence context.

    The latter is probably more ecologically valid and places

    greater demands on the capacity of the RH to integrate

    distant semantic meanings within a sentence context (Jung-

    Beeman, 2005).

    2.3. Semantic priming

    A fairly large body of literature deals with the issue of

    lateralized figurative language processing based on the

    semantic priming approach in healthy subjects. For a more

    detailed overview, the interested reader is referred to the

    reviews byNeely (1991)and Hutchison (2003).

    The common procedure entails the selective presentation

    of prime-target pairs to the right visual field/LH or to the

    left visual field/RH. In most cases, a lexical decision task

    follows (Chiarello, 1991). Priming effects occur as the

    faster recognition of a target word preceded by a

    semantically related prime or the slowing of responses to

    words following unrelated prime words.

    Anaki et al. (1998) presented metaphorical or literal

    associates to either visual field as subjects performed a

    lexical decision task (word/non-word judgments). The

    priming stimuli consisted of ambiguous words with a

    literal and a metaphoric meaning (e.g. the adjective

    stinging). Target words were either related to the

    metaphoric (stinging-insult) or to the literal (stinging-

    mosquito) meaning of the prime or they were unrelated

    (stinging-carpet). At shorter stimulus onset asynchronies

    (SOA of 200 ms) priming effects were observed for

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    metaphorically related targets for both visual fields/hemi-

    spheres while literally related targets were primed in the

    right visual field/LH only. At longer stimulus onset

    asynchronies (SOA of 800 ms) metaphorically related

    targets were primed only in the left visual field (i.e. the

    RH) and literally related targets again only in the right

    visual field/LH. The implications of a slower decay offigurative meanings in the RH are that this hemisphere

    seems to be involved in the more advanced and more

    elaborated stages of figurative language processing. Over-

    all, the findings suggest that metaphoric meanings decay

    relatively fast in the LH while being maintained for longer

    periods of time in the RH. Faust and Weisper (2000)

    presented incomplete priming sentences (e.g. Some nights

    arey) followed by literally true, false or metaphoric

    target words to subjects who were instructed to decide

    whether the sentences were literally true or false. In this

    study, performance was slower and less accurate for

    metaphorical target words than for literally false targets,

    irrespective of the hemisphere to which the stimuli were

    presented. The two studies differ in the mode of presenta-

    tion of figurative material (in isolation vs. in sentence

    context) and there is evidence that context may differen-

    tially affect processing in the two hemispheres. Data by

    Kacinik and Chiarello (2005)suggest that the way the LH

    integrates both literal and figurative meanings is more

    constrained by the sentence context, while the RH is more

    independent of sentence context and also maintains the

    activation of alternative interpretations.

    The interpretations put forward by Anaki et al. (1998)

    and byKacinik and Chiarello (2005)largely correspond to

    the coarse semantic coding hypothesis, first proposed byBeeman (1998). According to this account, the RH is

    responsible for diffusely activating large semantic fields,

    while the LH strongly activates selective semantic fields.

    This is assumed to render the LH very efficient at selecting

    the most common or contextually appropriate meanings,

    particularly for single words, while the RH is more

    sensitive to distant semantic overlap, particularly in the

    case of multiple word meanings. Support for the coarse

    semantic coding hypothesis comes from a number of

    divided visual field experiments in healthy populations

    (Coney and Evans, 2000;Faust et al., 2002; Titone, 1998).

    Another divided field study (Schmidt et al., 2005) suggests

    that the RH advantage for processing distant semantic

    relationships is more a result of familiarity than of

    metaphoricity per se. In this study, regardless of whether

    the sentences used as stimuli were literal or metaphorical,

    the unfamiliar sentences containing distant semantic

    relationships (e.g. metaphorical: The close friends were

    a bag of toffees. or literal: The interior designer used

    cubes as a rain hat.) were preferentially processed in the

    RH and familiar sentences involving close semantic

    relationships (e.g. metaphorical: The mind is a sponge.

    or literal: The childrens shoes were covered in dirt.) in

    the LH. Finally, Klepousniotou and Baum (2005) at-

    tempted to contrast the predictions of both the coarse

    semantic coding and the suppression deficit (described

    earlier in this article) hypotheses by examining LHD and

    RHD patients as well as healthy participants using a

    semantic priming paradigm. The data did not provide

    strong support for either theory, but the result pattern was

    more consistent with the suppression deficit hypothesis.

    To summarize, the evidence yielded in semantic primingexperiments, similarly to that resulting from lesion and

    neurophysiological studies, suggests that the RH seems to

    be more engaged in activating distant semantic associa-

    tions. Thus, the RH also activates more alternative

    interpretations, particularly in the case of unfamiliar

    figurative expressions and maintains their activation for

    longer time periods.

    2.4. Metaphor processing in neurodevelopmental and

    neurodegenerative non-psychiatric disorders

    Deficits in interpreting figurative language have been

    reported for a range of neurodevelopmental and neurode-

    generative diseases. The evaluation of these findings is

    limited by certain factors. First and foremost, multiple

    brain systems are affected in most of these conditions. In

    neurodevelopmental disorders, the atypical development of

    brain structures may entail some reorganization processes

    which influence the way language is processed. Notwith-

    standing these limitations, the analysis of these cases can

    provide important information about the neurocognitive

    processing of figurative expressions in the intact brain.

    2.4.1. Agenesis of the corpus callosum

    Given that both hemispheres make specific contributionsto the processing of figurative language, it seems obvious

    that interhemispheric information transfer might be a

    critical mechanism for understanding non-literal language.

    Accordingly, it has been reported that patients with

    congenital or acquired agenesis of the corpus callosum

    are impaired in providing appropriate verbal interpreta-

    tions of proverbs and in recognizing the correct proverb

    meaning in multiple choice tests. Comprehension of literal

    language, on the other hand, appears to be preserved (Paul

    et al., 2003). This might be due to partial information

    transfer via subcortical pathways or non-callosal commi-

    sures, which might partly compensate for callosal absence

    for literal language processing, while it is insufficient for

    the more complex integration processes involved in

    figurative language comprehension (seeBarr and Corballis,

    2002). Reorganization processes might also play a role in

    this respect (e.g. Sauerwein and Lassonde, 1994).

    Figurative language comprehension does not seem to be

    generally impaired; deficits occur when more elaborate

    context processing is required. Consistent with this view,

    children and adolescents (age ranges 718 years) with either

    complete agenesis or hypoplasia (i.e. partial or mild

    agenesis) of the corpus callosum performed relatively well

    with regard to the comprehension of decomposable idioms,

    which are processed similarly as literal language, but failed

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    to understand non-decomposable idioms, which require the

    integration of contextual information (Huber-Okrainec et

    al., 2005). In this study, familiar idioms varying on the

    dimensions of compositionality (in how far the lexical items

    of the idiom contribute to its overall figurative meaning)

    and literality (how plausible an idiom is) were presented

    verbally, either in an isolated sentence (Shelly hit thesack) or preceded by a context sentence biasing the

    figurative meaning of the idiom (Shelly had a long day.

    Shelly hit the sack.). Subjects were asked to indicate

    whether a picture illustrating either the figurative or the

    literal meaning of the idiom, represented the idiom or not.

    Children with callosal abnormities were particularly

    impaired in terms of both speed and accuracy at accepting

    the figurative meaning of non-decomposable idioms and in

    rejecting their literal meaning. The impairment was most

    pronounced in individuals with complete agenesis.

    Adults with complete agenesis of the corpus callosum

    have also been reported to perform more poorly than

    controls on tests assessing the understanding of humorous

    material. However, covarying comprehension of figurative

    language abolished the group difference suggesting a

    common mechanism probably involving the understanding

    of second-order ToM (Brown et al., 2005).

    Taken together, evidence suggests that the corpus

    callosum mediates the understanding of second-order

    meanings, probably via the integretation of relevant

    context information. The fact that both children and

    adults suffering from agenesis are similarly impaired with

    regard to figurative language comprehension implies that

    developmental reorganization processes cannot completely

    compensate for the impaired interhemispheric connectivityand its detrimental consequences for figurative language

    processing.

    2.4.2. Autism

    It seems obvious that individuals suffering from general

    communication disorders, like those from the autistic

    spectrum, might have particular difficulties with complex

    linguistic demands including the comprehension of figura-

    tive language.

    Strandburg et al. (1993) observed an ERP correlate of

    impaired idiom processing in adults with high-functioning

    autism (IQ scores480). Subjects completed an idiom

    recognition task involving literal, idiomatic and non-sense

    phrases. Autistic subjects were impaired only with regard

    to the identification of idiomatic statements and showed a

    greatly reduced N400 amplitude to idioms. Dennis and

    colleagues (2001) found subjects with a high-functioning

    variant of autism to be impaired on the Figurative

    Language subtest from the Test of Language Competence

    (Wiig and Secord, 1989). In this task, subjects are first

    asked to explain a figurative remark preceded by some

    context information, e.g. The situation is two boys talking

    at a dog show. One of them said He is crazy about that

    pet. What did the boy mean?. Subsequently, 4 written

    sentences are presented and the subject has to point out the

    one that could be used instead of He is crazy about the

    pet. Autistic subjects more often failed to find the correct

    alternative expression. However, only 8 subjects were

    examined in this study and within-group variation of

    verbal IQ scores and language skills was rather high.

    Several authors have attempted to elucidate the mechan-

    isms which mediate deficient figurative language compre-hension in autistic spectrum disorders. The most

    commonly suggested factors are impairments of ToM

    and ECF, particularly context processing deficiencies.

    In an early study,Happe (1994)found that the ability to

    provide adequate mental state attributions for the figura-

    tive statements of story characters was comprised in high-

    functioning autistic subjects, both relative to mentally

    retarded subjects and healthy controls. The autistic

    subjects comprehension of figurative utterances was

    related to their performance on standard ToM tasks. But

    even those subjects who performed well on the ToM tasks

    had difficulties with interpreting the more complex and

    more naturalistic figurative story material. Data by Nor-

    bury (2004) suggest that in children with communication

    disorders, the question whether context information

    improves idiom comprehension might be independent of

    the presence of autistic features. Unfamiliar idioms were

    presented, first in isolation and, after a delay of 324 h,

    embedded in a short-story context. Both children with

    communication disorders and control participants per-

    formed significantly better in the idiom-in-context condi-

    tion than in the idiom-only condition. However, clinical

    subgroups exhibiting language impairment (with or with-

    out autistic features) benefited significantly less from

    context than controls or a group of children showingautistic features but no language impairment. Idioms-in-

    context performance was predicted by age, memory for

    story context and language abilities. ToM, despite being

    impaired at least in subgroups of autistic children (Abdi

    and Sharma, 2004), did not contribute significantly to

    idiom interpretation, once general language abilities were

    controlled for. In another study, in which this factor has

    not been covaried, ToM abilites proved critical for the

    capacity of high-functioning autists to understand non-

    literal language (Martin and McDonald, 2004). The

    findings by Norbury (2004) suggest that general language

    impairment and not autistic features per se may be the

    critical feature mediating the impairment of figurative

    language comprehension in autism. Deficient figurative

    language comprehension in non-autistic children with

    language impairment has been reported earlier (Lee and

    Kamhi, 1990).

    Landa and Goldberg (2005) were interested in the

    relationship between figurative language comprehension

    and ECF in autism. They assessed 19 children (ages 717)

    diagnosed with idiopathic, high-functioning autism and a

    matched control group of 19 children with inconspicuous

    development. The figurative language subtest from the test

    of language competence (Wiig and Secord, 1989) was

    employed to assess comprehension and interpretation of

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    metaphoric expressions and figures of speech. Also,

    standardized measures of basic language abilities, as the

    adequate use of semantics, grammar, morphology and

    syntax, were administered. Three subtests from the Cam-

    bridge Neuropsychological Test Automated Battery (Cam-

    bridge Cognition, 1996) were selected in order to assess

    planning, flexibility and spatial working memory as ECFmeasures. Overall, the performance of autistic participants

    was heterogeneous, ranging from intact to impaired

    language skills and ECF. As a group, autistic subjects

    were impaired relative to the non-autistic children on

    measures of expressive grammar, comprehension of fig-

    urative language, spatial working memory and planning.

    The data suggest that both the inability to comprehend

    figures of speech (as assessed by sentence-to-picture

    matching tasks) and the inability to give a verbal

    interpretation of non-literal language may independently

    contribute to deficient performance on tasks assessing

    figurative language skills. As there were no correlations

    between IQ, ECF and language abilities in the autistic

    subgroup, the authors conclude that their data do not

    support the idea of ECF as a core deficit in autism which

    might mediate the observed language impairments. This

    conclusion has recently been questioned. In a study by

    Rajendran et al. (2005) individuals diagnosed with

    Asperger syndrome and healthy peers participated in a

    computer-mediated dialog which was part of a scenario

    involving figures of speech and sarcasm or inappropriate

    requests. Here, verbal and executive abilities as well as

    clinical diagnosis predicted comprehension of figures of

    speech. The dialog task in this study was possibly more

    demanding than the matching and interpretation tasksused in the work by Landa and Goldberg (2005). In the

    dialog situation, subjects might have had to rely more on

    ECF in order to process different (context) information at

    the same time and to self-structure and flexibly respond to

    changing demands.

    Taken together, individuals suffering from communica-

    tion disorders from the autistic spectrum appear to be

    impaired in processing non-literal language, although,

    within-group variation is rather high. It remains unclear

    whether the deficit is possibly mediated by an impairment

    of general language abilities, verbal memory, ToM and/or

    ECF, regardless of the presence of autistic features.

    Inconsistent methodologies and heterogeneous patient

    samples make it difficult to draw firm conclusions at this

    point.

    2.4.3. Neurodegenerative diseases involving subcortical

    structures

    The PFC, which has been implicated in figurative

    language processing (see previous sections), is densely

    interconnected with subcortical structures.Alexander et al.

    (1986) described three main fronto-subcortical circuits

    thought to subserve cognition: The first circuit comprises

    the interconnections between the dorsolateral PFC, the

    dorsolateral caudate nucleus and the lateral globus

    pallidus, which project back to the dorsolateral PFC via

    the dorsomedial nucleus of the thalamus. The second loop

    involves the orbitofrontal cortex, which is linked to the

    ventromedial caudate nucleus and the medial globus

    pallidus, as well as backprojections to the orbitofrontal

    cortex via the dorsomedial thalamus. The third circuit

    connects the anterior cingulate, the basal ganglia andthalamic nuclei. Furthermore, in a frontocerebellar circuit,

    the dorsolateral PFC and the lateral cerebellum are

    interconnected via reciprocal pathways involving the

    pontine nuclei, the dentate nucleus and the thalamus

    (Daum and Ackermann, 1997;Schmahmann, 2004). These

    fronto-subcortical connections have been shown to con-

    tribute to cognitive functions, particularly to ECF (Heyder

    et al., 2004). It is thus plausible to assume that subcortical

    structures also might participate the processing of non-

    literal language.

    Support for an involvement of subcortical structures in

    figurative language processing comes from a study showing

    that patients suffering from olivo-ponto-cerebellar atrophy

    were impaired relative to healthy controls in a proverb

    interpretation task (Arroyo-Anllo and Botez-Marquard,

    1998).Chenery et al. (2002)investigated basic and complex

    language abilities in Huntingtons disease which involves

    neurodegeneration of the head of the caudate nucleus and,

    to a lesser extent, of the globus pallidus and putamen

    (Zakzanis, 1998). The comprehension of non-literal lan-

    guage was assessed by means of the ambiguous sentences

    and figurative language subtests from the Test of

    Language Competence (Wiig and Secord, 1989). Overall,

    the performance pattern of the Huntington patients and a

    group of patients with stroke-induced focal lesions of non-thalamic subcortical structures was comparable, with basic

    language abilities being relatively preserved in comparison

    with a neurologically intact control group. However,

    deficits emerged on tasks assessing lexico-semantic abilities,

    word fluency and the interpretation of ambiguous and

    figurative language. Both patient groups tended to provide

    only one meaning of the ambiguous sentences and to stick

    to the literal meaning of figurative utterances, regardless of

    the context information provided. This is consistent with

    earlier observations by Wallesch et al. (1983) that basal

    ganglia patients are unable to provide adequate explana-

    tions of idiom meanings.

    Monetta and Pell (2006) reported impaired comprehen-

    sion of figurative sentences in Parkinsons disease (PD), in

    which neurodegeneration affects primarily dopaminergic

    neurons in the substantia nigra (Fahn and Sulzer, 2004).

    Primetarget sentence pairs were presented to subjects with

    the prime sentences being either metaphorical (Those

    babys cheeks are roses) or literal (Those flowers are

    roses.). Target sentences were either metaphor-relevant,

    i.e. referred to a property relevant to the metaphorical

    interpretation (That babys cheeks are roses./Roses are

    often red.) or metaphor-irrelevant (Roses have

    thorns.). PD patients were impaired in terms of both

    accuracy and response speed in deciding whether the

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    metaphorical sentences made sense or not, but only if they

    also showed an impairment of verbal working memory

    span. This indicates that in PD, the disruption of complex

    language functions such as figurative language comprehen-

    sion might be ascribed to limited working memory

    capacity.

    Altogether, the available evidence from populations withneurodegenerative diseases affecting subcortical structures

    suggests a potential participation of the basal ganglia and

    the cerebellum in the comprehension of figurative lan-

    guage. However, further support from patients with focal

    subcortical lesions and from neuroimaging studies is

    needed in order to elucidate which substructures are

    precisely involved, the nature of their contribution and

    the relationship of figurative language impairment to the

    disruption of other higher-order cognitive functions.

    2.4.4. Alzheimers disease

    Conflicting evidence has been reported for figurative

    language comprehension in patients suffering from mild to

    moderate Alzheimers disease (AD). While Kempler et al.

    (1988)reported that from the early stages of the disease on,

    AD patients have difficulty in understanding abstract

    meanings, Papagno and Vallar (2001) concluded that

    decline of figurative language comprehension occurs at

    later stages with idiom comprehension being preserved

    longer than metaphor comprehension. In a subsequent

    study (Papagno et al., 2003), patients with mild probable

    AD were administered a sentence-to-picture matching task

    for idiomatic and literal phrases. All patients had difficulty

    in choosing the correct picture illustrating the figurative

    (instead of the literal) meaning of the idiomatic expres-sions. Performance on this subtask correlated with that in a

    paper-and-pencil dual task (Baddeley et al., 1997) em-

    ployed as ECF measure. However, when, as an alternative

    to the picture illustrating the figurative meaning of the

    idiom, an unrelated situation was shown, performance

    significantly improved. AD patients also performed better

    when asked to verbally explain idiomatic interpretations

    than when they were administered the sentence-to-picture

    matching task used in the first experiment. This effect was

    ascribed to the lack of an externally presented literal

    interpretation in the oral task. In the few cases that literal

    interpretations were provided in the oral task, they

    represented plausible real-world situations. The authors

    suggest that, although AD patients still retain knowledge

    of the figurative meaning of the idiom, they are unable to

    suppress its literal interpretation, which is concurrently

    activated. These findings also illustrate that performance

    on figurative language tasks can vary as a function of the

    testing modality.

    In summary, it remains unclear, in which stage of AD,

    an impairment of figurative language comprehension

    begins to show. The knowledge about figurative meanings

    appears to be preserved and a deficit in suppressing

    alternative literal interpretations of metaphoric expressions

    might underlie the impairment. This is in line with the

    suppression deficit hypothesis proposed to explain the

    poor figurative comprehension of RHD patients (see

    Section 2). The fact that in AD, the RH seems to be

    affected by neuropathological changes earlier and to a

    greater extent than the LH, completes this picture

    (Shinosaki et al., 2000).

    2.5. Summary

    Taken together, the available evidence suggests that

    networks involving fronto-temporal cortical areas as well

    as subcortical structures (left thalamus, caudate nucleus,

    substantia nigra, cerebellum) in both hemispheres con-

    tribute to the processing of figurative language. While the

    RH seems to be more involved in processing the context in

    which a figurative expression appears (Brownell et al.,

    1986; Foldi et al., 1983;Tompkins et al., 2001), the LH is

    responsible for processing propositional information (Long

    and Baynes, 2002). Relative to the LH, the RH seems to

    maintain more alternative interpretations of figurative

    expressions and does so for longer time periods. Also, the

    RH is more concerned with processing non-salient (i.e.

    novel) metaphoric meanings. Both hemispheres support the

    integration of the figurative expression within the overall

    literal message, and interhemispheric communication

    transfer via the corpus callosum seems to be critically

    involved in this process.

    An impairment of figurative language comprehension

    has been observed across a range of neurodevelopmental

    and neurodegenerative disorders like autism, Chorea

    Huntington, Olivo-ponto-cerebellar atrophy, PD and

    AD. However, for each of these disorders, even amongpatients allegedly presenting with the same clinical status,

    interindividual variability is high, ranging from preserved

    to impaired figurative language comprehension. A more

    specific characterization of these differentially affected

    patient subgroups is clearly needed. It remains as yet

    unclear to which degree the mechanisms proposed to

    mediate the deficit in figurative language processingsuch

    as impaired general verbal abilities, ToM or compromised

    ECFcontribute to the observed impairments. In parti-

    cular, it is of interest which cognitive subcomponents

    contribute to the understanding of figurative language and

    in what way they are impaired in different populations.

    3. Figurative language processing in schizophrenia

    Disorders of thought and language are considered a core

    symptom of schizophrenia. Since Finckh (1906) and

    Benjamin (1944), researchers and clinicians have regarded

    proverb interpretation as a potential tool assisting in the

    diagnosis of disordered thinking in patients suffering

    from this debilitating mental illness (see Reich, 1981).

    Asked to explain the meaning of proverbs, schizophrenia

    patients tend to stick to the literal meaning of the

    expressions, a clinical phenomenon which since Bleuler

    (1911, 1966) has been known as concretism. In clinical

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    settings, assessments of proverb interpretation have rarely

    been implemented in a systematic way, leading some

    authors to question the reliability and validity of proverb

    interpretation for diagnostic purposes (Andreasen, 1977;

    Reed, 1968). However, systematic investigation of figura-

    tive language comprehension in schizophrenia has the

    potential to provide important insights into thoughtpatterns of schizophrenia patients. The review article by

    Mitchell and Crow (2005) highlights the importance of

    pragmatic abilities such as figurative language comprehen-

    sion for general interpersonal skills of schizophrenia

    patients.

    As far as the neurocognitive underpinnings of figurative

    language processing in schizophrenia are concerned, direct

    evidence is scarce. Currently, findings point towards

    disrupted activity of cortico-subcortical circuitry (Buchs-

    baum, 1990; Kubicki et al., 2003; Ragland et al., 2004;

    Velakoulis and Pantelis, 1996) during the processing of

    verbal material, reduced cerebral asymmetry (Sommer et

    al., 2003) and impaired interhemispheric communication

    transfer due to callosal abnormities (Innocenti et al., 2003)

    in schizophrenia patients. As these networks have been

    implicated in the processing of figurative language, it is

    plausible to assume that patients affected by schizophrenia

    have difficulty in interpreting this form of communication.

    3.1. Standardized assessment of proverb comprehension in

    schizophrenia

    In schizophrenia research, standardized proverb com-

    prehension tests and standardized scoring criteria have

    been applied more often than in studies involving otherpatient groups or healthy individuals. Thus, a brief

    description of these methods will be given at this point.

    Until now, Gorhams pioneering proverbs test (Gorham,

    1956a) has remained the best known standardized diag-

    nostic tool for the assessment of proverb comprehension in

    the English-speaking world. The test comprises a multiple-

    choice part and three parallel forms of a free-answer

    version. In the free-answer version, the subject is instructed

    to explain the meaning of twelve proverbs. The multiple-

    choice version consists of 40 proverbs with four possible

    response alternatives representing various interpretations

    of the proverb in question. As expected, it is more difficult

    to give proverb interpretations in a free-answer format

    compared to the multiple-choice version. In schizophrenia

    patients, the free-answer version is also more likely to elicit

    psychotic material (Gorham, 1956b).

    A major problem with the free-answer format consists in

    defining an appropriate scoring system. The most common

    scoring indices which have been established over the years

    distinguish between abstract and concrete (Gorham,

    1956a, b), literal (Hertler et al., 1978) as well as bizarre-

    idiosyncratic (Marengo et al., 1986) or autistic (Shimku-

    nas et al., 1967) features of proverb interpretations. In

    Gorhams terms (Gorham, 1956a, b), abstraction is

    synonymous with accuracy, while a proverb interpretation

    is to be scored as concrete if it fails to replace central

    symbols by more abstract terms. Gorham adopted a three-

    point scoring system (2: adequate response; 1: partially

    correct; 0: complete failure). However, these criteria have

    been repeatedly criticized as being too vague (Gibbs and

    Beitel, 1995). For instance, not all parts of a proverb

    necessarily have a metaphorical character. Therefore, thesewords/phrases do not need to be rephrased in abstract

    terms when an interpretation of the proverb is required.

    Apart from that, evidence by Shimkunas et al. (1966)

    indicates that abstractness and concreteness seem to

    reflect general intelligence rather than characteristic fea-

    tures of schizophrenic psychopathology.

    Hertler et al. (1978) view literalness as more specific

    and more independent of overall intellectual ability than

    concreteness. They broadly define literalness as an

    active attempt to interpret the words of the proverb as a

    literal message rather than as symbols to be interpreted.

    Finally, bizarre-idiosyncratic or autistic interpreta-

    tions are obviously bizarre and unrelated to the proverb

    (Shimkunas et al., 1967). On the basis of clinical ratings,

    Shimkunas et al. (1967) developed a three-point scoring

    manual comprising examples of autistic and non-autistic

    proverb interpretations. In schizophrenia patients, bizarre

    proverb interpretations are neither associated to concrete-

    ness (Marengo et al., 1986;Shimkunas et al., 1967) nor to

    general IQ (Shimkunas et al., 1966). In a sample of 80

    schizophrenic patients, autistic scores were observed to

    decrease over treatment, from admission to 26-week post-

    admission (Shimkunas et al., 1967). Abstract and concrete

    scores remained unchanged, except in schizophrenia

    patients with a high general IQ (Shimkunas et al., 1966).

    3.2. Empirical evidence of impaired figurative language

    comprehension in schizophrenia

    3.2.1. Figurative language impairment in schizophrenia:

    traditional views

    Goldstein (1944) and Benjamin (1944) were among the

    first authors to put forward the idea that the problems of

    schizophrenia patients with proverb interpretation might

    arise from the inability to assume an abstract attitude,

    i.e. to transgress the immediately given specific aspect or

    sense impression and to realize that a specific thing

    represents an accidental sample or representative of a

    category (Goldstein, 1944, p. 18). Benjamin (1944)

    analyzed proverb interpretations given by schizophrenia

    patients. For instance, as an explanation of the proverb

    When the cats away, the mice will play a schizophrenia

    patient suggested If there isnt any cat around, the mice

    will monkey around, and maybe get into things.

    (Benjamin, 1944, p. 73). This led Benjamin (1944) to

    conclude that schizophrenia patients are unable to infer

    the abstract meaning of the symbols used in proverbs

    sticking to their literal meaning instead. Similarly,Goldstein

    (1944) reported that the inability of schizophrenia patients

    to abstract from a given example manifested itself not only

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    group, the input disruption might have already progressed

    too far to be overcome by the enrichment procedure. On

    the other hand, employing a slightly different approach,de

    Bonis and colleagues (1997) did not find any correlation

    between the performance of schizophrenia patients in a

    proverb interpretation task and global illness severity, as

    indexed by the overall score on the Brief Psychiatric RatingScale (BPRS:Overall and Gorham, 1988).

    The tendency of schizophrenia patients to be concretistic

    in their interpretation of figurative language has been

    demonstrated in further studies. Schizophrenia patients

    were shown to provide literal rather than figurative

    interpretations of metaphorical and ironic remarks (Cut-

    ting and Murphy, 1990;Drury et al., 1998), to select literal

    rather than figurative pictorial illustrations of metaphoric

    utterances (Anand et al., 1994) and to show a lack of

    semantic priming for metaphorically rather than literally

    related prime target pairs (Spitzer, 1997).

    Preliminary evidence suggests that an impairment of

    figurative language competence might be a very early feature

    of ps